7 9 ’'ll 

\\w  ihfologiVj,/  “ 

PRINCETON,  N.  J. 

Purchased  by  the  Hammill  Missionary  Fund. 

nivisio.  I3S46I 

Section  • ^ 1 ^7 

Number. 

f --i  ...f* 

{,  ■ ‘ ■ ■■  ■'S^  \ 


*JP%’-‘; 


^ ^ 


^ .•  •• 


' v;  • -VV',?: 


V r-. 


.’*i"';«‘Vm' 

r"W‘ ' 

1 . '.L,«  •■'  * ■' 

• 1 

‘ i-'V  f;. 

f > ' 


,j;V  r ‘<V 

■»v- 


1 


THE  MOGUL  EMPERORS 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/mogulemperorsofh00hold_0 


-r^ry/^/z/f/ 

^/^r7e/J^  in.  f/i£  ^Z/T.^  J\JriZicz.Z y^.y^- 


THE 


MOGUL  EMPERORS  OF 
HINDUSTAN 

A.D.  I398-A.D.  1707 

EDWARD  s/hOLDEN,  LL.D. 


O/tfft  an  action  0/  small  noie^  a short  saying-  or  a jesty 
shall  distinguish  a person's  real  character  more  than 
the  greatest  sieges. — Plutarch. 


NEW  YORK 

CHARLES  SCRIBNER’S  SONS 

1895 


Copyright,  1895,  by 
CHARLES  SCRIBNER’S  SONS 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 


A COLLECTION  of  miniatures  of  the  Mogul 
emperors,  some  of  which  are  copied  in  this 
book,  came  into  my  hands  many  months  ago. 
The  accounts  of  these  unfamiliar  personages 
which  are  given  in  the  ordinary  books  of 
reference  I found  to  be  inadequate  and  fre- 
quently incorrect.  Accordingly,  I devoted 
the  spare  hours  of  a long  and  harassing  win- 
ter to  reading  the  original  memoirs  of  the 
native  historians  of  India  and  the  accounts 
of  early  ambassadors  and  travellers  to  the 
court  of  the  Great  Moguls.  A few  of  these 
I wrote  out  in  brief,  and  they  were  printed 
in  various  periodicals.  I have  been  asked  to 
reprint  them  in  a more  complete  form,  which 
I am  very  glad  to  do,  as  I know  of  no  one 
volume  which  contains  the  information  here 
collected. 

To  those  who  have  lived  or  travelled  in 
India,  the  subject  of  this  book  will  be  more 


VI 


Introducto7'y  Note 


or  less  familiar,  since  the  jurisprudence,  cus- 
toms, and  architecture  of  the  Mogul  em- 
perors have  left  remains  which  still  serve  to 
recall  their  authors.  Yet  I think  that  even 
this  class  of  readers  may  find  it  convenient 
to  have  many  scattered  fragments  of  biog- 
raphy and  history  brought  together  in  one 
place.  To  the  majority  of  persons,  however, 
the  Mogul  period  is  a closed  one ; it  is  hardly 
more  than  a name  ; its  impulses  are  alien, 
its  note  is  foreign,  and  its  history  seems 
remote.  But  even  to  us,  who  are  so  far  re- 
moved in  time  and  in  temper,  it  is  not  with- 
out interest  to  study  the  characters  of  the 
kincrs  who  ruled  India  for  three  eventful 

o 

centuries ; and  it  is  chiefly  to  the  latter  class 
of  readers  that  this  book  is  addressed. 

I wish  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  its  chap- 
ters are  not  intended  to  give  the  history  of  the 
reigns  in  question,  but  rather  to  present  such 
views  of  the  chief  personages  involved  as  an 
intelligent  reader  of  the  histories  themselves 

o 

might  wish  to  carry  away.  The  materials 
which  I have  used  are  to  be  found  in  all 
great  libraries,  although  they  are  dispersed  in 


Introdtutory  Note  vii 

very  many  different  volumes.  Moreover,  the 
writings  of  Oriental  biographers  require  to 
be  worked  over  into  a new  shape  before 
they  are  acceptable  to  Western  readers. 

I have  not  encumbered  these  pages  with 
the  host  of  foot-notes  which  would  be  neces- 
sary had  I referred  by  work,  volume,  and 
page  to  their  sources.  It  may  suffice  to  say 
that  the  chief  authorities  consulted  have 
been  the  Memoirs  of  the  emperors  them- 
selves ; the  standard  histories  of  Persia, 
India,  and  Tartary,  by  Elphinstone,  Malcolm, 
Erskine,  Price,  Hunter,  Howorth,  and  others; 
the  records  of  early  missions  and  voyages ; 
and,  more  especially,  the  invaluable  transla- 
tions of  the  native  historians,  by  Sir  Henry 
Elliot,  Professor  Dowson,  and  Professor 
Blochmann  ; in  short,  all  the  works  that  I 
was  able  to  find  which  treat  of  the  subject 
in  hand. 

The  very  interesting  lives  of  Akbar,  by 
Colonel  Malleson  and  Comte  F.  A.  de 
Noer,  and  of  Aurangzeb,  by  Mr.  Stanley 
Lane-Poole,  came  into  my  hands  after  this 
book  was  finished.  I have  carefully  com- 


Vlll 


hitroductory  Note 


pared  Chapters  IV  and  VII  with  these,  the 
latest  authorities,  but  I have  seen  nothing 
to  change.  As  a matter  of  fact,  all  histories 
of  the  Moguls  must  depend  upon  the  same 
originals.  The  interpretation  of  these  origi- 
nals rests  with  the  reader.  I have  attempted 
to  present  them  so  fully  as  to  make  the 
interpretation  easy.  Whenever  it  was  pos- 
sible, I have  used  the  very  words  of  the 
various  chronicles ; and  this  must  be  my 
excuse  for  some  inconsistencies  in  spelling, 
etc.  I have  also  chosen  to  retain  the  spell- 
ing of  the  word  Mogul,  which  a usage  of 
more  than  two  centuries  has  made  familiar 
to  English  readers,  rather  than  to  introduce 
the  more  correct  form,  Mzighal. 

I count  myself  particularly  fortunate  in 
that  I have  the  permission  of  Sir  William 
Hunter  to  reprint  (in  Chapter  VIII)  his 
masterly  picture  of  the  downfall  of  the  last 
of  the  great  Mogul  emperors. 

I have  been  able  to  find  nearly  all  the 
original  authorities  for  this  book  in  the 

o 

libraries  of  the  Pacific  Coast,  which  seems 
to  be  not  a little  remarkable  w'hen  it  is 


Introductory  Note 


IX 


considered  how  far  removed  our  American 
interests,  literary  and  otherwise,  are  from 
those  of  India,  especially  of  mediaeval  In- 
dia. Other  works  I have  consulted  by  the 
courtesy  of  Dr.  Justin  Winsor,  Librarian  of 
Harvard  University. 

There  was  every  reason  to  expect  that  no 
complete  series  of  entirely  authentic  por- 
traits of  the  Mogul  emperors  could  be 
obtained.  So  far  as  I have  been  able  to 
discover,  there  is  no  such  series  in  America. 
By  the  liberal  action  of  the  authorities  of 
the  British  Museum,  and  through  the  very 
kind  offices  of  Dr.  Richard  Garnett,  keeper 
of  its  printed  books,  and  of  Professor 
Robert  K.  Douglas,  keeper  of  Oriental 
Mss.,  I received  permission  to  copy  the 
portraits  of  the  Mogul  kings  from  a col- 
lection of  rare  and  exquisite  Indian  draw- 
ings by  contemporary  artists,  which  consti- 
tutes one  of  its  many  treasures.  The  group 
of  four  emperors — Babar,  Humayun,  Akbar, 
Jahangir — which  is  given  at  the  beginning 
of  Chapter  II,  is  reproduced  from  a Ms. 
of  the  Shah-Jahmi-Nameh  (British  Museum 


X 


hitrodiictory  Note 


Add.,  20,734),  which  was  formerly  in  the 
possession  of  Akbar  II,  King  of  Delhi. 
The  portrait  of  Shah  Jahan  as  an  old  man 
(page  270),  and  of  Aurangzeb  (page  309), 
are  from  Ms.  Add.,  18,801. 

These  plates  were  kindly  selected  for  me 
by  Mr.  H.  Arthur  Doubleday  of  London, 
publisher  to  the  India  Office,  who  also  was 
good  enough  to  superintend  their  photo- 
graphic reproduction  from  the  original  Mss. 
The  portraits  are  entirely  authentic ; with 
one  exception  they  have  never  before  been 
printed ; indeed,  their  existence  was  only 
known  to  a few  Oriental  scholars  ; and  they 
have  the  additional  advantage  of  exhibiting 
Indian  portraiture  at  its  best,  in  everything 
but  color. 

The  frontispiece  of  this  book,  from  an 
exquisite  miniature  on  ivory,  is  a copy  of 
a picture  given  to  my  son  by  Sir  Edwin 
Arnold.  The  plate  of  Akbar,  Nur-Mahal, 
and  Shah  Jahan  (as  a young  man)  is  repro- 
duced from  other  miniatures  in  my  collec- 
tion. They  purport  to  be  copies  of  original 
portraits.  How  faithfully,  even  slavishly, 


Introductory  Note  xi 

such  originals  are  copied  and  recopied  I have 
learned  by  comparing  two  photographs  of 
Nur-Mahal  in  my  possession.  One  of  these 
is  after  a miniature  now  in  London,  the  other 
after  a miniature  now  in  Delhi.  The  two 
miniatures  were  copied  from  the  same  orig- 
inal. The  closest  scrutiny  fails  to  detect 
any  difference  whatever  in  any  part  of  the 
two  photographs.  The  very  pattern  of  a 
rug  is  absolutely  identical  in  the  two  copies 
of  copies.  Hence  it  is  that  one  comes  to 
have  confidence  in  such  reproductions  by 
Indian  artists.  The  spirited  design  of  two 
Asiatic  warriors  used  as  a stamp  on  the 
cover,  is  after  a Persian  painting  of  the  time 
of  Marco  Polo,  circa  a.d.  1300,  and  It  is 
reproduced  from  Colonel  Yule’s  remarkable 
life  of  the  great  traveller. 

The  portrait  of  Nur-Mahal  (Nur-Jahan) 
at  the  beginning  of  Chapter  VI,  is  copied 
from  an  engraving  which  bears  the  title 
“ Noor  Jehan,  or  the  Light  of  the  World, 
after  an  original  drawing  from  the  library 
of  the  Great  Mogul,  and  now  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Publishers,”  which  is  further 


xii  Introductory  Note 

marked  “ P.  185.”  I do  not  know  to  what 
work  this  belongs,  but  this  rare  portrait  is 
evidently  a faithful  copy  of  some  Indian 
original,  and  is  extremely  interesting. 

The  view  of  the  tomb  of  Tamerlane,  in 
Samarkand,  is  redrawn  from  a photograph 
which  I owe  to  the  kindness  of  Professor 
D.  Gedeonof,  Director  of  the  Observatory  of 
Tashkend.  From  Rousselet’s  India  and  its 
Native  Princes  the  following  cuts  are  taken 
(by  permission  of  the  publishers)  : The 
Tomb  of  Humayun,  the  Mosque  of  Aurang- 
zeb  at  Benares.  The  view  of  the  Taj-Mahal 
is  made  from  a negative  by  Mr.  Frederick 
DIodati  Thompson  of  New  York,  and  first 
appeared  in  his  book,  In  the  Track  of  the 
Sun.  It  is  printed  by  permission  of  Messrs. 
D.  Appleton  & Co.  These  characteristic 
- viev/s  of  famous  buildings  illustrate  the  prog- 
ress (and  decay)  of  Mogul  architecture  from 
the  time  of  Tamerlane  (1400)  to  the  reign  of 
Aurangzeb  (i/co).  Finally,  the  drawing  of 
the  lotus  (page  356)  is  reduced  from  a native 
Indian  picture,  in  colors,  in  the  collection  of 
Miss  Olive  Risley-Seward  of  Washington. 


Introdtictory  Note  xiii 

Professor  Gedeonof,  Director  of  the  Imperial 
Observatory  of  Tashkend,  Professor  C.  Michie 
Smith,  Director  of  the  Observatory  of  Madras, 
Mr.  Thomas  G.  Allen  of  New  Jersey,  and, 
especially,  Mr.  H.  Arthur  Doubleday  of  Lon- 
don, have  been  most  kind  in  procuring  for 
me  miniatures  and  photographic  copies  of 
portraits  and  views.  I have  to  express  my 
grateful  thanks  to  Miss  Agnes  Clerke  for 
researches  made  in  the  collections  of  the 
British  Museum,  and  to  Miss  Sara  Carr 
Upton  for  similar  researches  made  in  the 
Library  of  Congress  and  elsewhere. 

Through  the  thoughtful  kindness  of  many 
friends  in  many  parts  of  the  world  it  has 
thus  been  possible  to  collect  in  this  one 
volume  illustrations  of  the  personages  and 
of  the  architecture  of  the  India  of  long  ago. 
I beg  to  express  my  sincere  obligations  to 
them  all ; and  also  to  my  publishers  for  the 
pains  they  have  taken  to  present  the  illustra- 
tions in  a fitting  and  artistic  manner. 

A mere  chance  originally  drew  my  atten- 
tion to  the  subject  of  this  book  ; the  leisure 
hours  of  a long  winter  were  given  to  the 


XIV 


Introductory  Note 


study  of  the  writings  and  characters  of  great 
rulers  and  great  men  like  Babar  and  Akbar. 
If  I have  succeeded  in  conveying  the  impres- 
sions which  I received,  I shall  be  more  than 
gratified. 

E.  S.  H. 


The  Lick  Observatory, 

Mount  Hamilton,  April,  1893. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


PAGE 

CHAPTER  I. 

Tamerlane  the  Great  (born  a.d.  1336,  died 

A.D.  1405), . I 


CHAPTER  II. 

Zehir-ed-din  Muhammad  Babar,  the  Con- 
queror (born  a.d.  1482,  DIED  1530),  . 56 


CHAPTER  HI. 

Humayun,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  (a.d.  1530- 
1556)  ; THE  Adventures  of  Four  Broth- 
ers, ........  97 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Shah  Akbar  the  Great,  the  Organizer, 
Emperor  of  Hindustan  (a.d.  1556- 
1605), 128 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Emperor  Jahangir  (a.d.  1605-1627).  A 
Contribution  towards  a Natural  His- 
tory OF  Tyrants,  .....  207 


xvi  Table  of  Contents 

PAGE 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Nur-Mahal  (The  Light  of  the  Palace), 

Empress  of  Hindustan  (a.d.  1611-1627),  236 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Shah  Jahan  and  Aurangzeb,  Emperors  of 
Hindustan  (a.d.  1628-1658  and  a.d. 

1658-1707), 270 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Ruin  of  Aurangzeb  ; or,  the  History 

OF  A Reaction.  By  Sir  W.  W.  Hunter,  309 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Appendix.  The  Conquests  of  India  (b.c.  327- 
A.D.  1526).  Brief  Chronological  and 
Genealogical  Tables,  (a.d.  1398-1707),  357 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


FACING 

BORN  DIED  PAGE 


The 

Emperor  Babar, 

, (1482-1530) 

56 

The 

Emperor  Humayun, 

. (1508-1556) 

• 56 

The 

Emperor  Akbar, 

. (1542-1605) 

j 56 

■ ( 128 

The 

Emperor  Jahangir, 

. (1569-1627) 

56 

The 

Empress  Nur-Mahal, 

. (1585-1645) 

j 128 

■ i 236 

The  Empress  Mumtaz-i-Mahal,  (1590-1630) 

Frontispiece 

The 

Emperor  Shah  Jahan, 

■ (1591-1666) 

j 128 

■ ( 270 

The 

Emperor  Aurangzeb, 

. (1618-1707) 

• 309 

The 

Tomb  of  Timur  at  Samarkand,  . 

. 10 

The 

Tomb  of  Humayun, 

. 

97 

The 

Taj-Mahal,  at  Agra, 

, 

. 289 

The 

Mosque  of  Aurangzeb, 

AT  Benares, 

• 302 

The 

Lotus, 

. . . Tailpiece 

THE  MOGUL  EMPERORS 


OF  HINDUSTAN 

CHAPTER  I 

TAMERLANE  THE  GREAT 
(born  A.D.  1336,  DIED  1405) 

The  inhabitants  of  a small  Italian  city 
became  the  rulers  of  the  world  from  the 
Euphrates  to  the  cliffs  of  Albion.  We  are 
the  inheritors  of  their  civilization,  and  their 
history  is  taught  to  our  little  children.  Their 
language  and  literature  are  as  familiar  as 
our  own.  The  lives  of  their  rulers  and 
great  men  are  part  of  the  common  stock 
of  knowledge.  We  understand  their  char- 
acters, their  aspirations,  their  most  secret 
motives. 

Centuries  after  Rome  was  famous  the 


2 


The  Mog7il  Emperors 


hordes  of  Tartar  and  Mongol  tribes  in  the 
far  East  gathered  strength  under  great  com- 
manders, and  overran  what  they  also  called 
“ the  inhabitable  world,”  from  Poland  to  the 
Persian  Gulf  and  Hindustan  ; from  Constan- 
tinople to  the  China  Sea  ; from  Corea  to  the 
Ganges.  Their  descendants  founded  a stable 
empire  in  India,  which  lasted  until  our  own 
day.  What  living  idea  can  we  form  of  such 
alien  personalities  as  those  of  Chengiz-Khan, 
of  Tamerlane,  or  of  their  great  successors, 
Babar  and  Akbar  ? Shakspeare’s  play  of 
Julius  CeBsar  might  serve  as  a first  text-book 
of  Roman  history  in  our  schools  to-day. 
Marlowe’s  scarcely  less  famous  Tamburlaine 
is  ludicrously  inadequate  as  a picture  of  the 
Grand  Khan  of  Tartar)^ 

These  people  have  never  yet  touched  our 
national  or  our  racial  life.  They  are  utter 
foreisjners.  We  can  understand  the  Moors 
in  Spain  ; and  the  chivalric  Saladin  is  hardly 
stranger  to  us  than  Richard  the  Lion-Heart, 
or  Saint  Louis  of  France.  But  our  interest 
in  the  IMongols  is  a mere  intellectual  inquisi- 
tiveness. If  one  seeks  to  satisfy  this  curios- 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


3 


ity,  one  meets  with  singular  difficulties.  Not 
only  are  the  character  and  motives  of  particu- 
lar individuals  quite  alien  to  our  own,  but 
their  very  histories  are  given  in  foreign  forms  / 
which  perplex  and  confuse.  It  is  perfectly 
simple  to  understand  that  Ulugh  Beg,  the 
grandson  of  Tamerlane,  built  in  1437,  at 
Samarkand,  the  greatest  astronomical  observ- 
atory of  the  world,  one  hundred  and  forty 
years  before  Tycho  Brahe  erected  Urani- 
bourg  in  Denmark.  But  it  is  almost  im- 
possible to  comprehend  the  intrigues  and 
violence  which  deposed  this  good  prince,  and 
led  to  his  death  at  the  hands  of  his  own  son. 
As  in  this  case,  so  in  others.  A consecutive 
history,  by  a native  writer,  of  the  reigns  of 
Chengiz  or  of  Timur  (Tamerlane,  “the  lame 
prince  ”),  seems  totally  unconnected  and  illog- 
ical. Its  sanguinary  pages  record  a hell 
which  seems  to  be  purposeless — without  an 
object. 

If  we  wish  to  satisfy  the  curiosity  to  know 
something,  at  least,  of  the  character  and  mo- 
tives of  a sovereign  like  Timur,  the  simplest 
process  is  to  collect  the  narratives  of  men  of 


4 


The  Mogul  E)7iperors 


our  own  world  who  were  eye-witnesses  of  his 
actions.  These  recitals  give  us  the  perspec- 
tive outlines,  which  are  intelligible  even  if 
' they  are  not  complete.  The  details  of  the 
sketch  must  be  filled  up  by  extracts  from  the 
native  writers,  and  we  have  to  choose  such  as 
seem  to  iis  significant.  Finally,  it  may  be 
possible,  though  difficult,  to  fit  this  picture 
into  its  place  in  the  view  of  the  world  which 
we  have  inherited  from  our  Roman  ances- 
tors and  adopted  for  ourselves  ; and  it  is  of 
the  first  importance  to  recollect  that  Rome 
was  nearly  two  thousand  years  old  when 
Mongol  history  begins. 


An  Embassy  to  the  Grand  Khan  of  Tartary 
(a.d.  1254) 

In  the  year  1248  Saint  Louis  of  France 
embarked  for  the  Holy  Land.  While  he  was 
yet  at  Cyprus  he  received  ambassadors  from 
the  Grand  Khan  of  Tartary,  and  understood, 
quite  erroneously,  that  the  Khan  had  been 
converted  to  Christianity.  It  seems  to  be 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


5 


true  that  he  desired  to  attack  the  Saracens 
from  one  side,  while  the  Crusaders  advanced 
from  the  other.  From  Syria  the  King  sent 
one  William  de  Rubruquis,  a monk  of  the 
order  of  the  Friars  Minors,  as  a sort  of 
ambassador  to  Tartary.  His  real  mission 
was  to  spy  out  the  land,  and  to  make  such 
converts  as  he  could.  De  Rubruquis  was 
“ a person  of  admirable  parts,  great  dili- 
gence, unaffected  piety  and  probity.”  His 
letter  to  the  King,  giving  an  account  of  his 
extraordinary  journey,  fully  bears  out  this 
praise  and  deserves  to  be  read  in  full.  De 
Rubruquis  left  Constantinople  for  Tartary 
in  May,  1253,  and  arrived  at  the  court  of 
Batu,  the  grandson  of  Chengiz-Khan  (born 
1162,  died  1227),  after  months  of  perilous 
travel. 

The  subjects  of  Tamerlane  were  very  like 
those  of  Chengiz-Khan.  The  acceptance  of 
Islam  was  the  only  marked  change,  and  the 
new  religion  was  held  but  lightly.  There  is 
no  better  way  to  obtain  a view  of  them  than 
to  copy  a few  paragraphs  from  the  journal  of 
the  good  monk : 


6 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


“ And  after  we  departed  out  of  those  pre- 
cincts we  found  the  Tartars,  amongst  whom 
being  entered,  methought  I was  come  into  a 
new  world,  whose  life  and  manners  I will 
describe  unto  your  Highness  as  well  as  I can. 
They  have  no  settled  habitation ; neither 
know  they  to-day  where  they  shall  lodge 
to-morrow.  They  have  all  Scythia  to  them- 
selves, which  stretcheth  from  the  river  Dan- 
ube to  the  utmost  extent  of  the  East.  Each 
of  their  Captains,  according  to  the  number 
of  his  people,  knows  the  bounds  of  his  pas- 
tures, and  where  he  ought  to  feed  his  cattle, 
winter  and  summer,  spring  and  autumn. 
Their  houses  they  raise  upon  a round  founda- 
tion of  wickers,  artificially  wrought  and  com- 
pacted together  ; the  roof,  consisting  of 
wickers  also,  meeting  above  in  one  little 
roundell,  which  they  cover  with  white  (or 
black)  felt.  This  cupola  they  adorn  with 
variety  of  pictures.” 

The  houses  were  moved  from  place  to 
place  on  immense  wagons  twenty  feet  wide, 
drawn  by  two-and-twenty  oxen  in  two  rows, 
eleven  in  a row.  “ The  axle-tree  of  the  cart 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


7 


was  of  a huge  bigness,  like  the  mast  of  a 
ship.  Batu  (grandson  of  Chengiz-Khan) 
liath  sixteen  wives,  every  one  of  whom  hath 
a great  house.  Hence  it  is  that  the  court 
of  a rich  Tartar  will  appear  like  a very  large 
village.” 

At  the  camps  the  houses  were  dismounted 
from  the  carts  and  ranged  in  order.  The 
beds  and  furniture  had  particular  and  un- 
varying situations  within  the  house.  “There 
is  a little  lean  idol  which  is,  as  it  were,  the 
guardian  of  the  whole  house.  One  piece  of 
ceremony  is  constant  in  all  houses  ; namely, 
a bench,  on  which  stands  a vessel  of  milk 
and  cups  for  drinking  it.  In  the  summer- 
time they  care  not  for  any  drink  but  cosmosT 
“In  respect  to  their  food,  give  me  leave 
to  inform  your  Highness  that,  without  differ- 
ence or  distinction,  they  eat  all  their  beasts 
that  die  of  age  or  sickness.” 

The  customs  and  the  laws  of  the  Tartars 
are  described  at  great  length.  The  chief 
punishments  are  flogging  and  death. 

“ On  my  arrival  among  these  barbarous 


* Mares’  milk — koumiss. 


8 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


people  I thought,  as  I before  observed,  that 
I was  come  into  a new  world.  The  first 
question  they  asked  was  whether  we  had 
ever  been  with  them  heretofore  or  not  ; and 
made  us  wait  a long  while,  begging  our 
bread  from  us,  wondering  at  all  things  they 
saw,  and  desiring  to  have  them.  It  is  true 
they  took  nothing  by  force  from  me,  but 
they  will  beg  all  they  see,  very  importunately  ; 
and  if  a man  bestows  anything  upon  them  it 
is  but  lost,  for  they  are  thankless  wretches. 
So  we  departed  from  them  ; and  indeed  it 
seemed  to  me  that  we  escaped  out  of  the 
hands  of  devils.” 

On  his  journey  he  was  presented  to  Zaga- 
tai,  another  grandson  of  Chengiz-Khan,  and 
entered  into  his  presence  “with  fear  and 
bashfulness.”  The  reception  was  not  unfa- 
vorable, though  the  monk’s  gifts  were  few. 

“ I expounded  to  him  the  Apostles’  Creed, 
which,  after  he  had  heard,  he  shook  his  head.” 
The  interpreter,  however,  was  “ a sorry  one.” 

They  still  “ went  towards  the  eastward,  see- 
ing naught  but  the  sky  and  the  earth,”  till 
they  reached  their  journey’s  end.  At  the 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


9 


court  of  the  Khan  they  found  a kind  of  com- 
fort ; even  luxury  of  a sort.  What  is  most 
surprising,  they  met  with  Nestorian  and  Jac- 
obite priests  in  numbers  ; with  fugitive  Rus- 
sians, Greeks,  Hungarians,  Muhammadans, 
in  plenty  ; a Knight  Templar,  a French  gold- 
smith, William  Bouchier  of  Paris,  and  his 
wife,  “ a woman  from  Metz  in  Lorraine,”  and 
even  with  a strayed  Englishman.  This  was 
more  than  a hundred  years  before  the  time 
of  Timur,  and  it  affords  an  explanation  of  the 
variety  of  arts  known  in  Samarkand  in  his 
reiorn.  The  Tartar  and  Mong-ol  tribesmen 

o o 

were  still  the  same  in  his  time,  except  for  a 
nominal  conformity  to  Islam.  Christianity 
had  been  brought  to  Khorassan  in  the  fourth 
century  by  the  Nestorians.  There  was  a 
Nestorian  bishop  in  Merv  in  a.d.  334,  and  in 
Herat  and  Samarkand  in  a.d.  500.  The 
Kerait  Turkomans  accepted  Christianity 
about  A.D.  1000,  as  a tribe.  Buddhism  came 
through  China  into  Transoxania  ; and  Islam 
crossed  the  Persian  frontiers  not  long  after 
the  death  of  the  Prophet.  All  these  creeds 
were  tolerated  by  Chengiz  Khan. 


lo  The  Mogul  Emperors 

The  tolerance  of  Chengiz  and  his  sons  had 
ceased  under  Timur,  and  the  Muslim  mollahs 
ruled  in  all  religious  matters.  But  the  arts 
of  the  architect,  the  goldsmith,  the  armorer, 
the  weaver,  had  already  been  transplanted 
to  these  wilds  from  Europe,  from  China, 
from  Africa,  from  Arabia,  from  Persia.  As- 
tronomy, mathematics,  poetry,  learning  of  a 
sort  were  cultivated,  and  the  field  was  pre- 
pared for  that  remarkable  advance  in  some 
of  the  arts  (notably  in  architecture),  which 
marks  the  period  of  Timur  and  his  imme- 
diate successors.* 


An  Embassy  to  Tamerlane  the  Great 
(a.d.  1403) 

King  Henry  III.  of  Castile  (a.d.  1376- 
1407)  despatched  embassies  to  many  princes 
of  Europe  and  Asia.  Tamerlane  sent  in  re- 
turn an  envoy,  Muhammad-al-Cazi,  with  pres- 
ents and  a letter.  When  the  Mogul  envoy 


* For  a very  interesting  description  of  the  fine  monuments  of 
Samarkand  in  Timur’s  lifetime,  see  an  article  by  M.  Edouard 
Blanc  in  the  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes  for  February  15,  1893. 


THE  TOMB  OF  TIMUR 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


1 1 

was  to  return,  the  King  of  Castile  sent  with 
him  an  embassy  to  the  court  of  Timur  Beg. 
Ruy  Gonzales  de  Clavijo,  one  of  the  envoys, 
has  left  us  an  account  of  his  perilous  mission, 
which  set  out  from  Seville  in  May,  1403,  and 
arrived  at  Samarkand  in  August,  1404,  after 
traversing  the  Mediterranean  and  Euxine  seas 
to  Trebizond,  and  passing  by  land  through 
Erzeroum,  Teheran,  near  Merv,  and  across  the 
Oxus  to  Samarkand — over  seventy  degrees  of 
longitude. 

o 

In  October,  1403,  the  ambassadors  were 
received  in  audience  by  Manuel,  the. Emperor 
of  Constantinople  ; and  as  they.much  desired 
to  have  a sight  of  the  various  Christian  relics 
for  which  the  churches  of  the  city  * were 
famous,  special  privileges  were  granted  to 
them.  The  son-in-law  of  the  Emperor  acted 
as  their  guide  in  their  pious  visits.  The 
Emperor  himself  was  the  custodian  of  the 
keys  to  the  reliquaries.  In  the  church  of 
St.  John  the  Baptist  they  saw  the  “left  arm 
of  St.  John.  This  arm  was  withered  so  that 
the  skin  and  bone  alone  remained,  and  the 


* There  were  three  thousand  churches. 


12 


The  Alogul  Emperors 


joints  of  the  elbow  and  the  hand  were 
adorned  with  jewels.”  In  another  church 
they  saw  the  saint’s  right  arm,  “ and  this  was 
fresh  and  healthy.”  “ And  though  they  say 
that  the  whole  body  of  the  blessed  St.  John 
was  destroyed  except  one  finger,  with  which 
he  pointed  when  he  said,  ‘ Ecce  Agnus  Dei ! ’ 
yet  certainly  the  whole  of  this  arm  was  in 
good  preservation.”  * In  various  shrines  they 
saw  pieces  of  the  true  cross,  made  from  the 
cross  which  the  blessed  St.  Helena  brought 
(entire)  from  the  Holy  Land;  “the  grid- 
iron on  which  the  blessed  St.  Lawrence  was 
roasted  ; ” the  very  “ bread  which  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  gave  to  Judas  ; ” some  of  “the 
blood  of  Christ ; ” some  hairs  of  the  Saviour’s 
beard  ; the  iron  of  the  lance  with  which  Lon- 
ginus pierced  his  side,  “ and  the  blood  on  it 
was  as  fresh  as  if  the  deed  had  just  been 
committed ; ” “a  piece  of  the  sponge  with 
which  Jesus  Christ,  our  God,  was  given  gall 
and  vinegar  when  he  was  on  the  cross,”  and 
his  garments  for  which  the  soldiers  cast  lots, 

* Notre  Dame  d’Amiens  claims  to  possess  the  face  bones  of  the 
Saint  to  this  day. 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


13 


besides  relics  of  saints  beyond  count.  On 
a stone  of  many  colors  were  the  “ tears  of 
the  three  Marys  and  of  St.  John,  and  these 
tears  looked  fresh,  as  if  they  had  just  fallen.” 
At  Trebizond,  on  the  Black  Sea,  they  had 
already  touched  on  the  confines  of  Timur’s 
dominions,  for  the  prince  of  that  place  paid 
tribute  to  the  Emperor.  “ The  arms  which 
Timur  Beg  bears,”  says  Clavijo,  “are  three 
circles  like  O’s,  drawn  in  this  manner,  and 
this  is  to  signify  that  he  is  lord  of  the  three 
parts  of  the  world.  He  ordered  this  device 
to  be  stamped  on  his  coins,  and  that  those 
who  are  tributary  to  him  shall  have  it  stamped 
on  the  coins  of  their  countries.”  It  was  of 
the  greatest  benefit  to  the  Spanish  envoys  to 
travel  in  the  company  of  Timur’s  own  ambas- 
sador. After  many  adventures  they  reached 
Teheran,  and  from  here  to  Samarkand  they 
were  forwarded  by  post-horses,  which  were 
maintained  by  the  Emperor  on  all  the  prin- 
cipal routes  ; and  they  were  entertained  and 
cared  for  by  the  governors  of  towns  and 
villages.  Their  journey  through  Persia  was 
in  the  heats  of  July,  and  many  of  the  party 


14 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


succumbed  and  died,  what  with  the  heat,  the 
dust,  the  lack  of  water,  and  the  great  pace  at 
which  their  post-horses  travelled  ; for  Timur 
“ is  better  pleased  with  him  who  travels  a day 
and  a night  for  fifty  leagues,  and  kills  two 
horses,  than  with  him  who  does  the  distance 
in  three  days.” 

“Timur,  considering  that  the  leagues 
were  very  long  in  his  empire  of  Samarkand, 
divided  each  league  into  two,  and  placed 
small  pillars  on  the  road  to  mark  each 
league,  ordering  all  his  followers  to  march 
at  least  ten  of  these  leagues  on  each  day’s 
journey ; and  each  of  these  leagues  w^as 
equal  to  two  leagues  of  Castile.  . . . 

And  they  do  not  only  travel  the  distance 
which  the  lord  has  ordered,  but  sometimes 
fifteen  or  twenty  leagues  in  a day  and  night.” 

Fancy  a whole  kingdom  in  which  each 
official  is  forced  to  travel  at  least  sixty  miles 
per  day,  whether  he  likes  or  not  ! 

“ When  we  arrived  at  any  city  or  village, 
the  first  thing  was  to  ask  for  the  chief  of  the 
place ; and  they  took  the  first  man  they  met 
in  the  street,  and  with  many  blows  forced 


Taj7ierla7ie  the  Great  15 

him  to  show  the  house  of  the  chief.  The 
people  who  saw  them  coming,  and  knew  they 
were  the  troops  of  Timur  Beg,  ran  away  as 
if  the  devil  was  after  them  ; and  those  who 
were  behind  their  shops  shut  them  up  and 
fled,  crying  ‘ ElcJiee  ! ’ which  means  ambassa- 
dor ; and  saying  that  with  the  ambassadors 
there  would  come  a black  day  for  them.” 

And,  in  fact,  the  villagers  had  to  furnish 
all  that  the  travellers  required,  and  if  anyone 
failed  he  was  killed,  or,  at  the  least,  beaten  ; 
“ and  thus  it  was  that  the  people  were  in 
marvellous  terror  of  the  lord  and  of  his 
servants.” 

“ With  these  people  Timur  has  performed 
many  deeds  and  conquered  in  many  battles ; 
for  they  are  a people  of  great  valor,  excel- 
lent horsemen,  expert  with  the  bow,  and 
enured  to  hardships.  If  they  have  food, 
they  eat  ; and  if  not,  they  suffer  cold  and 
heat,  hunger  and  thirst,  better  than  any  peo- 
ple in  the  world.  . . . They  do  not 

leave  their  women,  children,  and  flocks  be- 
hind when  they  go  to  the  wars,  but  take 
all  with  them.” 


1 6 The  Mogul  Emperors 

They  are,  says  a writer  quoted  by  Vam- 
bery,  “ a people  who  weep  at  their  feasts,  but 
laugh  in  their  battles,  who  follow  their  leader 
blindly,  are  content  with  cold  and  hunger,  do 
not  know  rest  or  pleasure,  have  not  even 
words  to  express  them  in  their  language. 
They  prepare  and  carry  their  own  arms,  are 
animated  by  one  soul  and  one  spirit,  not 
dainty  in  food  or  clothes,  unpitying,  ready  to 
tear  the  unborn  child  from  its  mother.” 

They  despised  the  life  of  towns,  and  held 
agriculture  fit  for  slaves.  They  were  not 
willing  to  subsist  on  “ the  top  of  a weed,”  as 
they  called  wheat.  Since  the  time  of  Chen- 
giz-Khan,  every  soldier  had  his  appointed 
place  in  war — in  the  right  wing,  the  left  wing, 
or  the  centre  ; and  these  places  were  handed 
down  from,  father  to  son. 

“We  met  many  of  them,  and  they  were 
so  burned  by  the  sun  that  they  looked  as  if 
they  had  come  out  of  hell.” 

On  the  31st  of  August,  1404,  the  ambassa- 
dors reached  the  neighborhood  of  Samar- 
kand. They  were  kept  waiting  for  eight 
days  before  they  had  audience ; “ for  it  is  the 


Tamerlane  the  Great  17 

custom  not  to  see  any  ambassador  until  five 
or  six  days  are  passed,  and  the  more  impor- 
tant the  ambassador  may  be,  the  longer  he  has 
to  wait.”  Finally  they  were  presented. 

“ Timur  Beg  was  seated  in  a portal,  at 
the  entrance  to  a beautiful  palace,  and  he 
was  sitting  on  the  ground.  Before  him  there 
was  a fountain,  which  threw  up  the  water 
very  high,  and  in  it  were  some  red  apples. 
The  lord  was  seated  cross-legged,  on  silken 
embroidered  carpets,  amongst  round  pillows. 
He  was  dressed  in  a robe  of  silk,  with  a high 
white  hat  on  his  head,  on  the  top  of  which 
was  a ruby,  with  pearls  and  precious  stones 
about  it.” 

They  were  very  well  received,  and  given 
an  honorable  place  above  the  ambassador 
from  China.  Timur  asked  after  the  King 
of  Spain.  “How  is  my  son,  the  King? 
These  Franks  are  truly  a great  people,  and 
1 will  give  my  benediction  to  the  King  of 
Spain,  my  son,  who  lives  at  the  end  of  the 
world.”  Here,  then,  at  the  court  of  Timur, 
were  met  ambassadors  from  the  two  extremi- 
ties of  the  habitable  globe — China  and  Spain. 


i8  The  Mogul  Emperors 

Banquets  followed,  with  profusion  of 
meats,  boiled  and  roasted,  and  with  fruits 
of  all  kinds,  and  drink  out  of  golden  jugs  ; 
and  later  on  drinking-bouts  at  which  the 
Emperor’s  wives  were  present,  unveiled. 
These  took  place  under  magnificent  tents  of 
silk,  embroidered  with  gold  and  gems. 

“ There  were  gold  tables,  each  standing 
on  four  legs,  and  the  tables  and  legs  were  all 
in  one.  And  seven  golden  vials  stood  upon 
them,  two  of  which  were  set  with  large 
pearls,  emeralds,  and  turquoises,  and  each 
one  had  a ruby  near  the  mouth.  There 
were  also  six  round  golden  cups — one  set 
with  large  pearls  inside,  and  in  the  centre  of 
it  was  a ruby  two  fingers  broad,  and  of  a 
brilliant  hue.” 

Their  interpreter  was  late  in  bringing 
them  to  this  feast,  and  Timur  was  very 
angry. 

“ How  is  it  that  you  have  caused  me  to  be 
enraged  and  put  out  ? Why  were  you  not 
with  the  Frank  Ambassador?  I order  that 
a hole  be  bored  through  your  nose  ; that  a 
rope  be  passed  through  it,  and  that  you  be 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


19 


dragged  through  the  army,  as  a punish- 
ment.” 

“ He  had  scarcely  finished  speaking,  when 
men  took  the  interpreter  by  the  nose  to  bore 
a hole  in  it.” 

It  is  satisfactory  to  know  that  the  wretch 
escaped  by  the  intercession  of  the  officer 
who  attended  on  the  Spanish  envoys.  As 
they  had  not  eaten  freely,  the  Emperor 
sent  to  their  lodgings  “ ten  sheep  and  a 
horse  to  eat,  and  also  a load  of  wine,  and 
dressed  the  ambassadors  in  robes,  and  gave 
them  shirts  and  hats.” 

There  was  great  feasting,  for  some  of 
Timur’s  grandsons  were  to  be  married  ; and 
another  grandson,  Pir  Muhammad,  ruler  of 
India,  was  present.  The  profusion  and 
magnificence  of  these  feasts  impressed  the 
ambassadors,  and  they  seem  to  have  been 
chiefly  struck  with  the  splendid  tents  and 
pavilions  of  silk,  built  like  castles,  each  with 
a multitude  of  rooms. 

Timur’s  chief  wife  was  present  in  “ a robe 
of  red  silk,  trimmed  with  gold  lace,  long  and 
flowing.  It  had  no  waist,  and  fifteen  ladies 


20  The  Mogul  Emperors 

held  up  the  skirts  of  it  to  enable  her  to 
walk.  She  wore  a crested  headdress  of  red 
cloth,  very  high,  covered  with  large  pearls, 
rubies,  emeralds,  and  other  precious  stones, 
and  embroidered  with  gold  lace.  On  the  top 
of  all  there  was  a little  castle,  on  which  were 
three  very  large  and  brilliant  rubies,  sur- 
mounted by  a tall  plume  of  feathers.  . . . 
Her  hair,  which  was  very  black,  hung  down 
over  her  shoulders  ; and  they  value  black  hair 
much  more  than  any  other  color.  She  was 
accompanied  by  three  hundred  ladies,”  and 
when  she  sat  down  “ three  ladies  held  her 
headdress  with  their  hands,  that  it  might  not 
fall  on  one  side.”  The  other  waves  were 
no  less  gorgeously  arrayed. 

“ On  this  day  they  had  much  enter- 
tainment with  the  [fourteen]  elephants, 
making  them  run  with  horses  and  with  the 
people,  which  was  very  diverting  ; and  when 
they  all  ran  together  it  seemed  as  if  the 
earth  trembled.  ...  In  this  horde  which 
the  lord  had  assembled  there  were  as  many 
as  fourteen  or  fifteen  thousand  tents,  which 
w’as  a beautiful  thing  to  see.” 


Tamej'lane  the  Great 


21 


So  with  feastings  every  day  the  mission 
was  entertained,  and  was  finally  dismissed 
with  honorable  presents.  The  ambassadors 
returned  over  nearly  the  same  route  by 
which  they  had  come,  and  arrived  at  the 
Spanish  court  on  the  24th  day  of  March, 
1406,  after  an  absence  of  about  three  years. 

Their  narrative  is  valuable,  in  that  it  gives 
a truthful  though  a dull  picture  of  the  court 
of  the  great  warrior  King.  It  is  at  the  same 
time  most  disappointing,  in  that  we  fail  to 
gain  that  vivid,  life-like  impression  of  his 
personality  which  they  might  have  given. 
Perhaps  the  most  striking  idea  to  be  ob- 
tained from  it  is  that  the  intellectual  superi- 
ority of  the  envoys  to  the  Moguls  (which 
we  unthinkingly  and  at  once  assume)  is 
less  marked  than  one  might  have  expected. 
Timur’s  officers  do  not  seem  especially  rude 
and  ignorant  as  compared  with  the  Spanish 
gentlemen.  Timur’s  court  was  not  a mere 
assembly  of  his  officials.  It  was  organized 
in  a fashion  as  orderly  as  that  of  the  Spanish 
King.  Special  ranks  had  special  privileges. 
A Tarkhan,  for  example,  had  les  grandes 


2 2 The  Mogul  Emperors 

entrees ; the  mace-bearers  could  not  stop 
him.  A more  extraordinary  accompaniment 
of  this  rank  was  that  neither  he  nor  his  chil- 
dren could  be  called  to  account  till  their 
crimes  exceeded  nine  in  number ; and  the 
title  was  hereditary.  Timur  himself  was  a 
far  more  important  figure  than  any  of  his 
Western  contemporaries.  To  complete  our 
view  of  him,  it  is  necessary  to  consult  the 
narratives  of  the  native  historians  of  India 
and  his  own  Memoirs.  And  in  these  native 
histories  we  may  leave  out  of  consideration 
any  consecutive  account  of  the  mere  events 
of  his  reign.  These  events  were  a long  suc- 
cession of  bloody  razzias  on  a large  scale,  all 
alike  in  the  main.  When  one  is  understood, 
all  are. 

The  Life  of  Timur,  as  Told  by  the  Native 
Historians 

The  native  historians  and  poets  have 
handed  down  to  us  some  accounts  of  the 
actions  and  sayings  of  Chengiz-Khan  which 
accurately  describe  the  military  life  of  Timur. 
Of  Chencriz  it  is  said  in  verse  : 

O 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


23 


In  every  direction  that  he  urged  his  steed 
lie  raised  dust  commingled  with  blood. 

Here  is  Chengriz’s  letter  demanclincr  the 

o o 

treasure  of  Bokhara,  It  mi^ht  have  been 

o 

written  by  Timur  to  the  chief  men  of  any 
one  of  his  conquered  cities,  just  at  that  fear- 
ful moment  when  his  soldiery  were  driving 
the  inhabitants  like  sheep  into  the  surround- 
ing plains  till  the  walls  were  emptied,  and 
just  before  the  sacking  of  the  town  began. 
The  letter  concludes  thus : “ O men  of 

Bokhara!  You  have  been  guilty  of  enor- 
mous crimes ; hence  the  wrath  of  God,  of 
whose  vengeance  I am  the  instrument,  hath 
employed  me  against  you.  Of  all  the  prop- 
erty in  this  city  which  is  visible,  it  would 
be  needless  to  require  an  account.  What 
I demand  is  the  immediate  surrender  of  all 
that  is  concealed.” 

The  trembling  chiefs  reveal  the  sites  of 
the  hidden  treasures  ; the  soldiers  loot  and 
plunder ; the  wretched  populace  is  herded 
in  the  fields  ; in  a few  days  the  number  of 
prisoners  becomes  troublesome  ; the  artisans 
and  the  men  of  learning  are  segregated  from 


24 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


the  rest,  and  are  despatched  to  people  some 
one  of  the  conqueror’s  cities — to  Kesh  or 
Samarkand;  the  despairing  remnant  is  divided 
into  tens  or  twenties,  and  a Mogul  warrior  is 
told  off  to  slaughter  them,  and  to  produce  at 
nightfall  ten  or  twenty  heads  to  go  towards 
the  building  of  a horrid  monument  to  com- 
memorate the  butchery.  After  the  conquest 
of  Bagdad,  one  hundred  and  twenty  such 
pyramids  of  heads  were  built.  Sometimes 
they  were  made  by  Timur’s  “ engineers,”  by 
building  the  whole  body  of  the  victims  into 
the  structure  with  brick  and  clay  and  mor- 
tar. Two  thousand  prisoners,  not  all  dead, 
were  the  materials  of  one  such  monu- 
ment. 

When  a city  was  sacked,  the  walls  were 
usually  levelled  to  the  ground  and  grain  was 
sowed  on  the  site.  The  tombs  of  the  saints 
were  spared,  and  were  often  embellished  and 
enlarged.  The  infidels  who  denied  the  unity 
of  God  and  the  legation  of  his  prophet  were 
almost  invariably  slain  unless  they  were 
artisans.  “ Half  of  the  garrison  had  their 
throats  cut ; the  other  half  were  hurled  head- 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


25 


long  from  the  battlements,”  is  one  entry  of 
Timur’s  diary. 

After  Chengiz-Khan  had  captured  Bokhara 
the  history  of  his  conquest  was  given  in  a 
line  by  one  of  the  sufferers  : “ The  Mongols 
came,  destroyed,  burnt,  slaughtered,  plun- 
dered, and  departed.”  The  history  of  Timur’s 
raids  is  written  in  that  one  sentence.  They 
were  all  alike. 

Here  is  Timur’s  own  account  of  a massacre 
in  1387,  which  was  commemorated  by  the 
building  of  70,000  human  heads  into  a pyra- 
mid plastered  with  mud  : 

“ I conquered  the  city  of  Isfahan,  and  I 
trusted  in  the  people  of  Isfahan,  and  I deliv- 
ered the  castle  into  their  hands.  And  they 
rebelled,  and  they  slew  three  thousand  of  the 
soldiers.  And  I also  commanded  a general 
slaughter  of  the  people  of  Isfahan.” 

The  condition  of  an  invaded  province  is 
described  by  an  earlier  writer  : “ There  were 
many  who  withered  with  fear,  and  a mutter- 
ing arose,  as  of  a drum  beaten  under  a 
blanket.” 

Timur’s  expedition  to  India  was  undoubt- 


26 


The  Mogtil  E^nperors 


edly  inspired  by  the  hope  of  plunder.  But 
his  Memoirs  (“  his  lying  Memoirs,”  as  an 
English  commentator  calls  them)  declare  that 
he  was  impelled  to  this  invasion  in  order 
to  obtain  the  title  gkazi,  victor  of  infidels 
and  polytheists.  He  sought  counsel  of  his 
princes  and  nobles  in  the  matter.  Some 
urged  the  invasion  for  one  reason,  some  for 
another.  Prince  Muhammad  Sultan  favored 
it  on  account  of  the  “seventeen”  mines 
situated  in  India.  One  of  these  was  a mine 
of  gold,  another  of  iron,  and  the  last  “a 
mine  of  steel.” 

Timur’s  conquest  of  India  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  the  Mogul  Empire,  and  it  is  impor- 
tant for  that  reason  chiefly.  In  its  incidents 
it  was  a mere  raid  on  an  immense  scale,  like  so 
many  of  his  other  campaigns.  He  passed 
the  Hindu  Kush  Mountains  in  the  spring  of 
A.D.  1398,  and  in  December  he  was  pro- 
claimed Emperor  of  Delhi.  His  path  was 
marked  by  slaughter  and  ravage,  and  for  five 
days  Delhi  itself  was  given  over  to  pillage. 
Fifteen  days  he  remained  within  its  walls, 
and  by  March,  1399,  he  had  crossed  the  bor- 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


27 


ders  of  India  once  more,  on  his  way  to  sub- 
due the  Sultan  of  Turkey,  Bajazet,  who  died 
a captive  in  his  camp. 

While  Timur  lived  the  official  prayers  at 
Delhi  were  recited  in  his  name,  and  at  his 
death  in  the  name  of  his  son. 

During  Timur’s  march  into  India  more 
than  one  hundred  thousand  Hindu  prisoners 
had  fallen  into  his  hands,  and  it  was  feared 
that  they  might  turn  against  their  captors, 
to  whom  they  were,  at  any  rate,  a serious 
embarrassment.  Timur  was  advised  to  put 
the  prisoners  to  death.  “ He  listened  to  this 
considerate  and  wise  advice,  and  gave  orders  ” 
to  that  effect.  And  accordingly  they  were 
all  slain  “ with  the  sword  of  holy  war.”  The 
butchers  must  have  been  weary  of  the  slaugh- 
ter, for  it  is  related  that  even  “ one  of  the 
chief  ecclesiastics,  who  in  all  his  life  had 
never  even  slaughtered  a sheep,  put  fifteen 
Hindus  to  the  sword.” 

These  terrible  and  immense  misfortunes 
produced  in  the  afflicted  nations  a universal 
belief  that  this  was  the  scourge  of  God.  The 
fatalistic  side  of  Islam  exactly  expresses  this 


28 


The  Mogtil  Emperors 


state  of  acquiescence  in  overwhelming  mis- 
fortune. The  passage  following  might  have 
been  written  of  Timur,  though,  in  fact,  it 
refers  to  another ; 

“At  the  time  when  the  page  of  creation 
was  blank,  and  nothing  had  yet  taken  form 
or  shape,  the  Supreme  Wisdom,  with  a view 
to  preserve  regularity  and  order  in  the  world, 
fixed  the  destiny  of  each  man,  and  deposited 
the  key  for  unravelling  each  difficulty  in  the 
hands  of  an  individual  endowed  with  suitable 
talents.  A time  was  fixed  for  everything, 
and  when  that  time  comes  all  obstacles  are 
removed  [from  his  career].” 

Though  Timur  has  left  Memoirs  which  are 
written  as  if  by  himself,  they  are  probably 
the  work  of  his  officers,  revised  by  the  Em- 
peror, It  is  said  that  his  secretaries  recorded 
every  important  event,  as  is  usual  in  the 
East,  and  that  he  caused  their  records  to 
be  read  over  to  him,  correcting  them  from 
moment  to  moment,  either  by  his  own  recol- 
lections, or  by  the  evidence  of  eye-witnesses 
to  the  scenes  described.  The  Moguls  of 

o 

Timur’s  day  used  the  alphabet  introduced 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


29 


by  Nestorian  missionaries.  A century  later 
the  Emperor  Babar  invented  a special  char- 
acter for  the  Turk!  lancruacje. 

Timur  traces  his  lineage  to  Abu-al-Atrak, 
— the  “ Father  of  the  Turks,” — the  son  of 
Japhet.  The  great-great-grandfather  of 
Timur  was  the  prime-minister  (so  to  say) 
of  Zagatai,  son  of  Chengiz-Khan.  The 
immaculate  conception  of  Alan  Koua,  the 
common  ancestress  of  Chengiz  and  of  Timur, 
was  an  article  of  faith  in  his  court. 

H is  father,  Turghai,  was  the  chief  of  the 
tribe  of  Berlas,  and  the  ruler  of  the  city  of 
Kesh,  where  Timur  was  born.  While  he 
was  still  a young  man,  during  his  father’s 
lifetime,  he  was  a successful  commander  of 
1,000  men.  After  the  death  of  his  father 
and  of  his  patron,  Amir  Kazghan  of  Trans- 
oxania,  his  fortunes  were  at  a low  ebb.  He 
was  obliged  to  fly  to  the  desert  for  safety. 
He  tells  us  that  frequently  he  could  com- 
mand no  more  than  100  followers,  and  very 
often  he  had  but  one  or  two.  Still,  he  was 
always  the  chief  of  his  tribe  and  there- 
fore important;  his  adherents  were  brave, 


30 


The  Mo  gill  Emperors 


of  good  birth,  and  enterprising.  His  own 
account  of  the  rise  in  his  fortunes  gives  a 
picture  worth  recording. 

“ I had  not  yet  rested  from  my  devotions 
when  a number  of  people  appeared  afar  off ; 
and  they  were  passing  along  in  a line  with 
the  hill.*  I mounted  my  horse  and  came 
behind  them,  that  I might  know  their  condi- 
tion, and  what  men  they  were.  They  were  in 
all  seventy  horsemen  ; and  I asked  of  them, 
saying,  ‘ Warriors,  who  are  ye  ? ’ and  they 
answered  unto  me,  ‘ We  are  the  servants  of 
Amir  Timur,  and  we  wander  in  search  of 
him,  and  lo  ! we  find  him  not.’  And  I said, 
‘ I also  am  one  of  his  servants.  How  say  ye 
if  I bring  you  where  he  is  ? ’ And  one  of 
them  put  his  horse  to  speed,  and  carried 
news  to  the  three  leaders  saying,  ‘ We  have 
found  a guide  who  can  lead  us  to  Amir 
Timxur.’  The  leaders  gave  orders  [to  bring 
the  guide].  When  their  eyes  fell  upon  me, 
they  were  overwhelmed  with  joy,  and  they 
alighted  and  they  came,  and  they  kneeled, 

* Note  how  he  recollects  the  topography  as  if  it  were  a real 
part  of  the  incident, — just  as  the  red  Indians  would  do. 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


31 


and  they  kissed  my  stirrup.  I also  alighted 
and  took  them  in  my  arms.  And  I put  my 
turban  on  the  head  of  [one]  ; and  my  girdle 
on  [another]  ; and  I clothed  [another]  with 
my  cloak.  And  they  wept,  and  I wept  also. 
When  the  hour  of  prayer  was  arrived,  we 
prayed  together ; and  I made  a feast.” 

This  is  very  like  the  Iroquois.  It  might 
be  Uncas  and  Chingacook.  And  after  the 
feast  they  were  all  ready  to  harry,  slay,  burn, 
torture,  to  steal  cattle,  and  to  fight  or  run 
away,  as  served  best.  Such  was  his  early 
fortune. 

“He  was  of  good  stature,  fair  complexion, 
an  open  countenance,  and  he  had  a shrill 
voice.”  His  descendant,  the  Emperor  Jahan- 
gir, tells  us  that  there  was  no  authentic  por- 
trait of  him  in  his  time.  A famous  etching 
of  Rembrandt’s  (No.  270)  seems  to  me  to 
express  his  character — force,  patience,  craft 
— exactly ; just  as  another  of  Rembrandt’s 
etchings  (No.  289)  might  serve  for  a portrait 
of  Chengiz-Khan.  It  is  almost  certain  that 
he  was  illiterate,  and  that  his  Memoirs  are 
not  written  by  his  own  hand,  though  undoubt- 


32  The  Mogul  Emperors 

edly  they  are  often  in  his  very  words.  One 
of  his  firmans  was  signed  with  the  imprint  of 
his  hand  in  red  ink.  All  of  them  might  have 
been  signed  in  blood.  The  famous  anecdote 
of  the  ant  does  duty  in  a Persian  life  of 
Timur.  “I  was  once  forced,”  he  says,  “to 
take  shelter  from  my  enemies  in  a ruined 
building.  To  divert  my  mind  from  my  hope- 
less condition,  I fixed  my  eyes  on  an  ant, 
which  was  carrying  a grain  of  wheat  up  a 
high  wall.  Sixty- nine  times  it  fell  to  the 
ground,  but  the  insect  persevered,  and  the 
seventieth  time  it  reached  the  top.  The 
sight  gave  me  courage  at  the  moment,  and  I 
never  forgot  the  lesson.” 

Early  in  his  career  (in  1370)  Timur  admit- 
ted Amir  Seiyid  Berrekah,  the  most  distin- 
guished of  the  Prophet’s  descendants  (Ali  was 
his  ancestor)  into  his  camp,  and  restored  to 
him  the  revenues  devoted  to  the  shrines  and 
to  religious  uses.  A friendship,  which  seems 
to  have  been  warm  and  sincere,  sprang  up 
between  the  holy  man  and  the  warrior  and 
endured  till  the  death  of  the  Seiyid.  The 
cautious  policy  of  Timur’s  earlier  years  may 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


33 


have  resulted  from  this  companionship.  His 
profuse  professions  of  devotion  to  Islam  are 
no  doubt  due  to  it.  Timur  was  of  the  sect 
of  Ali — a Shia.  I have  not  been  able  to 
trace  when  his  descendants  assumed  the 
Sunni  faith ; but  Babar  (1500)  declares  that 
in  his  time  the  inhabitants  of  Samarkand 
were  all  orthodox  Sunnis. 

Thmirs  Maxims  of  Government 

Timur  laid  down  twelve  maxims  of  sfov- 
ernment,  and  the  following  paragraphs  are 
selected  from  this  part  of  his  institutes.  No 
doubt  these  are  also  his  very  words  in  many 
cases. 

“ Persons  of  wisdom  and  deliberation  and 
vigilance  and  circumspection,  and  aged  men 
endowed  with  knowledge  and  foresight,  I ad- 
mitted to  my  private  councils  ; and  I associ- 
ated with  them,  and  I reaped  benefit  and 
acquired  experience  from  their  conversation. 
The  soldier  and  the  [civilian]  subject-  I re- 
garded with  the  same  eye.  And  such  was 
the  discipline  among  my  troops  and  my 


34 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


subjects  that  the  one  was  never  injured  or 
oppressed  by  the  other.” 

“From  among  the  wise  and  prudent  who 
merited  trust  and  confidence,  who  were 
worthy  of  being  consulted  on  the  affairs  of 
government,  and  to  whose  care  I might  sub- 
mit the  secret  concerns  of  my  empire,  I 
selected  a certain  number  whom  I consti- 
tuted the  repositories  of  my  secrets ; and  my 
weighty  and  hidden  transactions,  and  my 
secret  thoughts  and  intentions  I delivered 
over  to  them.” 

“ By  the  wazirs,  and  the  secretaries,  and 
the  scribes,  I gave  order  and  regularity  to 
my  public  councils  ; I made  them  the  keepers 
of  the  mirror  of  my  government,  in  which 
they  showed  unto  me  the  affairs  of  my 
empire  and  the  concerns  of  my  armies  and 
my  people  ; and  they  kept  rich  my  treasury ; 
and  they  secured  plenty  and  prosperity  to 
my  soldiers  and  to  my  subjects ; and  by 
proper  and  skilful  measures  they  repaired 
the  disorders  incident  to  empire ; and  they 
kept  in  order  the  revenues  and  the  expenses 
of  government ; and  they  exerted  themselves 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


35 


in  promoting  plenty  and  population  through- 
out my  dominions.” 

“ Men  learned  in  medicine  and  skilled  in 
the  art  of  healing,  and  astrologers,  and  geo- 
metricians, who  are  essential  to  the  dignity  of 
empire,  I drew  around  me  ; and  by  the  aid  of 
physicians  and  surgeons  I gave  health  to  the 
sick  ; and  with  the  assistance  of  astrologers  I 
ascertained  the  benign  or  malevolent  aspect  of 
the  stars,  their  motions,  and  the  revolution  of 
the  heavens ; and  with  the  aid  of  geometricians 
and  architects  I laid  out  gardens,  and  planned 
and  constructed  magnificent  buildings.” 

o o 

“ Historians  and  such  as  were  possessed  of 
information  and  intelligence  I admitted  to 
my  presence ; and  from  these  men  I heard 
the  lives  of  the  prophets  and  patriarchs,  and 
the  histories  of  ancient  princes,  and  the 
events  by  which  they  arrived  at  the  dignity 
of  empire,  and  the  causes  of  the  declension 
of  their  fortunes  ; and  from  the  narratives 
and  the  histories  of  those  princes,  and  from 
the  manners  and  conduct  of  each  of  them  I 
acquired  experience  and  knowledge ; and 
from  those  men  I heard  the  descriptions  and 


36  The  Mogtil  Emperors 

the  traditions  of  the  various  regions  of  the 
globe,  and  acquired  knowledge  of  the  situa- 
tions of  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth.” 

“To  travellers  and  to  voyagers  of  every 
country  I gave  encouragement,  that  they 
miorht  communicate  unto  me  the  intelli- 

O 

gence  and  transactions  of  the  surrounding 
nations ; and  I appointed  merchants  and 
chiefs  of  caravans  to  travel  to  every  king- 
dom and  to  every  country  that  they  might 
brinof  unto  me  all  sorts  of  valuable  merchan- 
dise  and  rare  curiosities  from  . . . Hindustan 
and  from  the  cities  of  Arabia  . . . and 
from  the  islands  of  the  Christians,  that  they 
might  give  me  information  of  the  situation 
and  of  the  manners  and  of  the  customs  of 
the  natives  and  inhabitants  of  those  regions, 
and  that  they  might  observe  and  communi- 
cate unto  me  the  conduct  of  the  princes  of 
every  kingdom  and  every  country  towards 
their  subjects,” 

Timur’s  instructions  for  collecting  the 
revenue  are  very  full.  The  paragraphs  fol- 
lowing will  give  an  Idea  of  their  form. 

“ And  I commanded  that  the  Amirs 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


37 


. . . should  not,  on  any  account,  demand 
more  than  the  taxes  and  duties  established. 
And  to  every  province  ...  I ordained 
that  two  supervisors  should  be  appointed; 
that  one  of  them  should  inspect  the  collec- 
tions and  watch  over  the  concerns  of  the 
inhabitants,  that  they  might  not  be  impover- 
ished, and  that  the  \over-lord^  might  not  ill- 
use  or  oppress  them,  . . . and  that  the 
other  supervisor  should  keep  a register  of 
the  public  expenses,  and  distribute  the  reve- 
nues among  the  soldiers.” 

“ And  I ordained  that  the  collection  of  the 
taxes  from  the  subject  might,  when  neces- 
sary, be  enforced  by  menaces  and  by  threats, 
but  never  by  whips  and  by  scourges.  The 
governor  whose  authority  is  inferior  to  the 
power  of  the  scourge  is  unworthy  to  govern. 
I ordained  that  the  revenue  and  taxes  should 
be  collected  in  such  a manner  as  might  not 
be  productive  of  ruin  to  the  subject  or  of 
depopulation  to  the  country.”  * 


* One-third  of  the  gross  produce  of  the  cultivated  land  was 
the  share  of  the  government,  and  so  remained  under  his  descend- 
ants in  India. 


38 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


“And  I ordained  that  if  the  rich  and  the 
powerful  should  oppress  the  poorer  subject 
and  injure  or  destroy  his  property,  an  equiva- 
lent for  damage  sustained  should  be  levied 
upon  the  rich  oppressor  and  be  delivered  to 
the  injured  person,  that  he  might  [thus]  be 
restored  to  his  former  estate.” 

“ I appointed  a S2iddur,  a man  of  holiness 
and  of  illustrious  dignity,  to  watch  over  the 
conduct  of  the  Faithful;  that  he  might  regu- 
late the  manners  of  the  times  ; and  appoint 
superiors  in  holy  offices  ; and  establish  in 
every  city  and  in  every  town,  a judge  of 
penetration,  and  a doctor  learned  in  the  law, 
and  a supervisor  of  the  markets,  of  the 
weights  and  the  measures.” 

“ And  I established  a judge  for  the  army, 
and  a judge  for  the  subjects  ; and  I sent  into 
every  province  and  kingdom  an  instructor  in 
the  law,  to  deter  the  Faithful  from  those 
things  which  are  forbidden  and  to  lead  them 
in  the  truth.” 

“ And  I ordained  that  in  every  town  and 
in  every  city  there  should  be  founded  a 
mosque,  and  a school,  and  a monastery,  and 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


39 


an  alms-house  for  the  poor  and  indigent,  and 
a hospital  for  the  sick  and  infirm,  and  that  a 
physician  should  be  appointed  to  attend  the 
hospital ; and  that  in  every  city  a govern- 
ment-house and  a court  for  the  administration 
of  justice  should  be  built  ; and  that  superin- 
tendents should  be  appointed  to  watch  over 
the  cultivated  lands,  and  over  the  husband- 
men.” 

“ And  I commanded  that  they  should  build 
places  of  worship  and  monasteries  in  every 
city ; and  that  they  should  erect  structures 
for  the  reception  of  travelers  on  the  high 
roads  and  that  they  should  make  bridges 
across  the  rivers.” 

“ And  I commanded  that  the  ruined 
bridges  should  be  repaired  ; and  that  bridges 
should  be  constructed  over  the  rivulets  and 
over  the  rivers  ; and  that  on  the  roads,  at 
the  distance  of  one  stage  from  each  other, 
caravansaries  should  be  erected ; and  that 
guards  and  watchmen  should  be  stationed  on 
the  road,  and  that  in  every  caravansary  people 
should  be  appointed  to  reside  ; and  that  the 
watching  and  guarding  of  the  roads  should 


40 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


appertain  unto  them  ; and  that  those  guards 
should  be  answerable  for  whatever  should  be 
stolen  on  the  roads  from  the  unwary  traveller.” 
“ And  I ordered  that  the  Suddur  and  the 
judge  should,  from  time  to  time,  lay  before 
me  the  ecclesiastical  affairs  of  my  empire  ; 
and  I appointed  a judge  in  equity,  that  he 
might  transmit  unto  me  all  civil  matters  of 
litigation  that  came  to  pass  among  my 
troops  and  my  subjects.” 

In  these  maxims  and  regulations  we 
have  a picture  which,  if  it  stood  by  itself, 
would  portray  an  enlightened  monarch, 
severe,  perhaps,  but  not  without  benevolence. 
There  is  nothing  in  these  paragraphs  that 
might  not  have  been  written  by  Louis  XIV. 
of  France,  for  example,  as  a guide  to  his 
governors  of  Dauphine  or  of  Languedoc. 
Hard  as  was  the  fate  of  the  French  peasant 
of  that  time  under  the  semi-feudal  rule  of 
his  various  overlords,  we  know  that  it  was 
freedom  itself  compared  to  the  condition  of 
Timur’s  subjects.  How  then  are  we  to 
reconcile  these  liberal-minded  maxims  with 
the  known  facts  ? 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


41 


In  the  first  place,  we  must  remember  that 
the  Memoirs  of  Timur  were  written  late  in 
his  life,  when  he  desired  to  leave  a memorial 
of  himself  which  might  serve  to  equal  him  to 
the  most  intelligent  of  the  kings  and  sultans 
whom  he  had  overthrown.  Bagdad  and 
Damascus  were  seats  of  learning  and  mag- 
nificence when  he  destroyed  them.  The 
mosques  and  colleges  which  he  erected  in 
Samarkand  were  no  unworthy  rivals  of  the 
edifices  of  those  great  cities.  The  ruler  of 
Samarkand  desired  to  be  remembered  along 
with  the  great  Caliphs  as  a wise  King  and  a 
patron  of  learning.  This  desire  led  him  to 
throw  a certain  glamour  over  all  his  actions. 
Moreover,  he  had  a high  reverence  for  the 
laws  of  Chengiz-Khan,  and  he  desired  to 
leave  behind  him  a code  of  the  same  sort, 
which  should  be  reverenced  by  his  own  suc- 
cessors. 

He  is  even  accused,  by  one  of  the  his- 
torians, with  valuing  the  laws  of  Chengiz 
above  the  Kuran,  and  in  many  ways  his 
practice  proves  that  the  charge  was  true. 
The  political  ideal  of  Chengiz-Khan  was  the 


42 


The  Mogiil  Emperors 


formation  of  a military  state,  whose  power 
should  be  centralized  in  the  King.  He  lived 
long  enough  to  realize  this,  in  great  measure, 
and  to  show  his  successors  that  it  was  possi- 
ble to  weld  scores  of  individual  tribes  into 
something  like  a nation.  In  Timur’s  day 
the  theoretic  basis  of  the  State  was  the  law 
of  the  Kuran.  Timur’s  professions  of  Islam 
were  loud ; he  was  a zealous  builder  of 
mosques,  and  a prompt  paymaster  of  relig- 
ious tithes.  But  in  all  matters  of  State  he 
was  guided  by  the  laws  of  Chengiz,  not  by 
those  of  Muhammad.  The  Muhammadan 
maxim.  All  Muslims  are  brethren,  makes 
nationality  unimportant,  or  even  impossible, 
as  has  often  been  pointed  out.  Timur  never 
permitted  a theory  like  this  to  interfere  with 
immemorial  usage,  which  was  the  basis  of  the 
laws  of  Chengiz-Khan.  I suppose  that  the 
mass  of  his  followers  thought  very  little 
about  religion  of  any  kind,  and  were  loyal 
to  the  King  from  fear  of  punishment  and 
from  hope  of  plunder. 

In  the  second  place  Timur  was,  in  his  own 
way  and  in  his  own  day,  a supremely  wise 


Tamerlaiie  the  Great 


43 


King.  He  had  been  one  of  the  greatest 
of  military  commanders,  but  he  had  also 
“ learned  the  incalculable  advantage  which 
wisdom  has  over  force,”  and  experience  had 
taught  him  that  the  civilian  subject  must  not 
be  pressed  more  than  so  much,  and  that  so 
much  was  enough  to  provide  for  the  wants 
of  his  armies,  and  for  the  splendor  of  his 
government.  It  is  impossible  to  believe  that 
he  was  inspired  by  a sincere  desire  for  the 
good  of  the  husbandman,  like  one  of  his 
descendants ; but  it  is  beyond  a doubt  that 
a long  experience  in  governing  had  demon- 
strated to  him  that  the  subject  must  have 
something  like  fixity  of  tenure  in  his  prop- 
erty, if  the  taxes  were  to  come  in  with 
regularity.  His  administration  was  modelled 
on  what  he  had  observed  in  Persia,  in  Syria, 
in  Turkey.  His  maxims  are  very  nearly 
such  as  would  have  been  written  by  any 
good  Muslim  like  his  friend  the  Seiyid  Ber- 
rekah.  They  are  by  no  means  the  outcome 
of  original  thinking.  They  show,  rather, 
how  much  of  the  practical  wisdom  of  his 
predecessors  in  the  ancient  monarchies  of 


44 


The  Alogul  Emperors 


the  East  could  be  appreciated,  at  least  theo- 
retically, by  the  descendant  of  Turki  shep- 
herds. Appreciated,  these  maxims  were, 
since  they  are  set  down  in  the  Alemoirs. 
Appropriated,  as  a practical  code  of  laws 
for  all  his  dominions,  thev  were  not. 

Again,  we  must  recollect  that  the  enlight- 
enment of  his  empire  was  confined  to  a very 
few  cities,  and  the  learning  to  a very  small 
number  of  doctors  of  the  law  and  men  of 
science.  The  military  chiefs  were  profoundly 
illiterate  and  rude,*  though  they  were  very 


* The  culture  of  the  Arabs  had,  however,  begun  to  penetrate  the 
higher  ranks,  and  the  following  anecdote  is  very  interesting  in 
showing  how  the  old  and  the  new  ideals  of  conduct  were  blended  : 
In  the  pursuit  of  the  Sultan  of  Bagdad  (Ahmed  Khan,  a.d.  1403), 
two  of  Timur’s  officers  were  perishing  from  thirst.  They  could 
only  find  two  small  pots  of  water.  Aibaj  Oghlan  drank  one,  and 
declared  to  his  comfJanion,  Jelalhamid,  that  he  should  die  if  he 
did  not  have  the  other  also.  Jelal  recalled  a tale  of  a Persian 
similarly  circumstanced  who  had  said  to  his  Arab  companion : 
The  generosity  of  the  Arabs  is  so  famous  that  it  has  become  pro- 
verbial everywhere.  It  would  be  a great  proof  of  this  truth  if,  to 
save  me  from  certain  death,  you  should  give  me  your  water  also. 
To  maintain  the  reputation  of  his  race  the  Arab  gave  up  his  share 
of  the  water.  Jelal  went  on  to  say  : “I  wish  to  imitate  the  Arab, 
and  I will  give  vou  the  water  on  condition  that  you  will  make 
known  to  the  princes  of  your  house  this  sacrifice  ; so  that  the 


Ta^nerlane  the  Great 


45 


much  above  the  tribesmen.  The  tribesmen 
do  not  seem  to  have  been  superior  to  the 
Huron  Indians,  as  we  know  them  by  the 
Jesuit  Relations,  for  example.  The  cultivated 
land  was  of  relatively  small  extent.  The 
vast  majority  of  the  people  were  shepherds, 
and  they  have  changed  but  little  to  this  day 
wherever  they  have  been  left  to  themselves. 
It  is  only  when  they  have  come  under  the 
influence  of  superior  races,  as  in  China  or 
in  Hindustan,  that  they  have  taken  on  even 
a shade  of  culture. 

Timur’s  regulations  referred  theoretically, 
perhaps,  to  vast  areas  of  his  empire.  It 
is  certain,  however,  that  they  were  nowhere 
enforced  in  the  enlightened  way  suggested 
in  these  Memoirs  (“  these  lying  Memoirs 


memory  of  this  deed  may  always  redound  to  the  credit  of  the 
descendants  of  Jagatai  Khan  and  be  cited  as  a proof  of  my  courage 
to  all  our  descendants.”  Whereupon  Jelal  gave  up  his  share.  It 
is  a pleasure  to  record  that  he  did  not  die. 

The  tales  of  Boccaccio  (1350)  show  that  the  Italians  of  that  day 
held  the  Arabs  to  be  their  teachers  in  chivalry,  and  at  least  their 
equals  in  art,  in  science,  in  civilization.  The  essence  of  this  story, 
so  it  seems  to  me,  is  that  Arab  chivalry  had  also  become  the  highest 
ideal  of  the  Mogul  chiefs  of  1403 — of  the  rude  and  violent  descend- 
ants of  Jagatai. 


46 


The  Mogul  Empe^'ors 


and  that  they  were  in  practical  effect  only 
alonof  the  main  roads  and  in  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  the  larger  towns  and  cities.  The 
Spanish  ambassadors  testify  that  the  people 
were  in  “marvellous  terror  ” of  Timur  and 
his  servants. 

If  we  understand  the  Me7iioirs  in  this  light 
they  are  of  great  importance.  It  is  of 
immense  interest  to  know  that  this  absolute 
ruler  even  cared  to  appear  to  posterity  as  an 
enlightened  King.  It  is  clear  that  Timur 
had  reflected  profoundly  on  what  he  had 
been  told  by  the  wise  men  of  his  court  and 
on  what  he  had  himself  observed  in  foreign 
lands  which  were  far  beyond  his  own  in 
culture.  Great  as  was  his  genius  and  success 
as  a Captain,  we  are  forced  to  give  an  equal 
admiration  to  his  intelligence  as  a Ruler. 

o 

The  maxims  of  his  government  were  house- 
hold words  in  the  courts  of  the  Emperors, 
his  descendants  ; but  their  methods,  though 
peremptory  enough,  were  gentle  compared 
to  his. 

One  of  them — Akbar — two  hundred  years 
later  actually  carried  out  these  regulations  in 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


47 


practical  form,  and  Akbar’s  fame  as  a great 
King  is  forever  secure  for  this  reason  alone. 

Timur’s  family  affections  were  ardent  and 
devoted.  On  his  campaigns  he  was  accom- 
panied by  his  wives  and  children  to  long 
distances  from  Samarkand.  In  1382  his 
favorite  daughter  died,  and  he  sank  into  a 
melancholy  so  deep  and  persistent  as  to 
threaten  serious  danger  to  the  State,  whose 
affairs  he  totally  neglected.  The  death  of 
his  eldest  sister  and  of  a favorite  wife  in 
1383  affected  him  profoundly.  He  gave 
himself  up  to  grief,  and  neglected  all  busi- 
ness till  his  attention  was  imperatively  called 
for.  He  was  fond  of  his  sons  and  proud  of 
them ; yet  he  ruled  them  with  an  iron  rule. 
It  is  recorded  that  on  occasions  the  princes, 
grown  men  and  sturdy  warriors,  were  sub- 
jected to  the  bastinado  like  the  meanest  of 
his  slaves. 

The  Persian  poet  Hafiz  was  a contem- 
porary of  Timur’s,  and  there  is  an  anecdote  of 
their  meeting.*  One  of  the  ghazels  declares 
that  if  this  Turk  would  accept  his  homage. 


Hafiz  died,  however,  four  years  before  the  capture  of  Shiraz. 


48 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


— For  the  black  mole  on  kis  cheek 
I would  give  the  cities  of  Sa?narkand  and  Bokhara. 

Timur  upbraided  him  for  this  verse,  and 
said  : “ By  the  blows  of  my  well-tempered 
sword  I have  conquered  the  greater  part  of 
the  world  in  order  to  enlarge  Samarkand  and 
Bokhara,  my  capitals  and  residences ; and 
you,  pitiful  creature,  would  exchange  these 
two  cities  for  a mole.”  “ O Sovereign  of  the 
world,”  said  Hafiz,  “ it  is  by  similar  acts  of 
generosity  that  I have  been  reduced,  as  you 
see,  to  my  present  state  of  poverty.”  It  is 
reported  that  the  monarch  was  appeased  by 
the  witty  answer,  and  that  the  poet  departed 
with  magnificent  gifts. 

A less  likely  tale  is  told  of  a jest  of  the 
poet  Kermani,  who,  with  other  wits,  was  in 
the  bath  with  Timur.  The  King  asked  the 
poet,  “ What  price  wouldst  thou  put  on  me  if 
I were  for  sale?”  “About  five-and-twenty 
aspers,”  said  Kermani.  “ Why,  that  is  about 
the  price  of  the  sheet  I have  on,”  rejoined 
Timur.  “Well,  of  course  I meant  the  sheet, 
for  thou  alone  art  not  worth  a farthing.” 

Timur’s  Alemoirs  recite  a few  cases  in 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


49 


which  he  was  merciful  to  the  rulers  or  to 
the  inhabitants  of  a city  ; these  are  usually  in 
the  early  portions  of  his  career,  before  his 
power  was  consolidated,  and  it  is  never  cer- 
tain that  his  mercy  was  not  policy.  He  is 
always  proud  of  the  valor  of  his  own  troops, 
but  it  is  not  recorded  that  he  was  in  the 
least  tender  or  careful  of  them,  except  upon 
one  occasion.  He  was  returning  from  India 
with  his  spoils.  “ There  was  a river  in  the 
way,  over  which  I crossed  and  encamped. 
Some  of  the  sick  men  were  drowned  in  cross- 
ing the  river,  so  I directed  that  all  my  own 
horses  and  camels  should  be  used  for  trans- 
porting the  sick  and  feeble.  On  that  day  all 
my  camp  crossed  the  river.”  He  was  always 
profuse  in  his  rewards  to  the  survivors.  He 
does  not  lament  the  dead  in  his  own  army, 
and,  indeed,  there  is  no  reason  why  a good 
Muslim  should  do  so. 

Early  in  his  career  Timur  discovered,  he 
says,  “ the  incalculable  advantage  which  wis- 
dom has  over  force,  and  with  what  small 
means  the  greatest  designs  may  be  accom- 
plished.” He  never  forgot  the  lesson.  He 


4 


50  The  Mogul  Emperors 

was.  no  braver  leader,  hardly  more  skilled, 
than  his  Amirs ; but  he  was  more  crafty, 
more  patient,  more  constant,  and  of  abso- 
lutely indomitable  will. 

His  relation  to  his  chiefs  is  well  shown  in 
the  following  extract  from  the  Memoirs  : 

“ Timur  Instructs  the  Princes  and  Amirs 
about  the  Co7iduct  of  the  War 

“ I now  held  a Court  ; I issued  a sum- 
mons to  the  princes,  amirs,  commanders  of 
thousands,  of  hundreds,  and  to  the  braves  of 
the  advance-guard.  They  all  came  to  my 
tent.  All  my  soldiers  were  brave  veterans, 
and  had  used  their  swords  manfully  under 
my  own  eyes.  But  there  were  none  who 
had  seen  so  many  fights  and  battles  as  I had 
seen,  and  no  one  who  could  compare  with 
me  in  the  amount  of  fighting  I had  gone 
through,  and  the  experience  I had  gained.* 
I therefore  gave  them  instructions  as  to  the 
mode  of  carrying  on  war  ; on  making  and 


* This  refers  to  the  year  1398  in  India.  Timur  was  then  sixty- 
two  years  old. 


Tamerlane  the  Great  51 

meeting  attacks  ; on  arraying  their  men  ; on 
giving  support  to  each  other;  and  on  all  the 
precautions  to  be  observed  in  war.  ... 
When  I had  finished  [they]  testified  their 
approbation,  and  carefully  treasuring  up  my 
counsel,  they  departed,  expressing  their 
blessings  and  thanks.” 

Before  setting  out  on  an  important  cam- 
paign, Timur  personally  attended  to  the 
equipment  and  provisioning  of  his  army. 
Supplies  and  forage  were  collected  and 
stored.  Each  soldier  was  directed  to  furnish 
himself  with  a bow,  thirty  arrows,  and  a 
water-bag.  Every  ten  men  had,  in  common, 
a tent,  two  mattocks,  a spade,  a shovel,  a 
sickle,  a saw,  a hatchet,  a rope,  a cooking- 
kettle,  one  hundred  needles,  an  awl,  besides 
the  necessary  riding  and  baggage  animals. 
The  equipment  seems  to  be  modest,  except 
as  to  the  supply  of  needles  ; but  the  enumer- 
ation (from  Price’s  Muhammadan  History) 
omits  the  sword  and  buckler,  the  mace,  the 
spear,  the  javelin,  with  which  many  soldiers 
were  certainly  provided  ; and  says  nothing  of 
the  leather  jerkins  lined  with  iron,  of  the 


52 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


helmets,  or  of  the  quilted  cuirass  for  man  and 
horse.  The  representation  of  two  warriors 
fighting,  used  on  the  cover  of  this  book,  is 
copied  from  a Persian  miniature  of  about 
Timur’s  day. 

The  armies  themselves  were  immense. 
Two  hundred  thousand  skilled  warriors  were 
assembled  for  the  conquest  of  China.  At  a 
review  of  his  troops  in  Persia  the  front  of  the 
army  covered  more  than  seventeen  miles. 
Irregular  troops  flocked  to  his  standards  in 
the  hope  of  plunder.  Thousands  and  thou- 
sands of  camp-followers  and  prisoners  were 
charged  with  the  transportation  and  the  col- 
lection of  forage.  His  Mogul  warriors  were 
like  the  Afghans  of  Sultan  Bahlol,  “they 
knew  only  to  eat  and  how  to  die.”  Their 
savagery  is  exactly  that  of  the  red  Indian. 
To  defile  a Hindu  sanctuary  they  filled  their 
boots  with  the  blood  of  the  sacred  cows  and 
poured  It  over  the  idol.  “ Vanquished  they  ask 
no  favor  ; vanquishing  they  show  no  mercy.” 

“ My  principal  object  in  coming  to  Hindu- 
stan [says  Timur]  and  in  undergoing  all  this 
toil  and  hardship  was  to  accomplish  two 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


53 


things.  The  first  was  to  war  with  infidels, 
the  enemies  of  the  Muhammadan  religion  ; 
and  by  this  religious  warfare  to  acquire  some 
claim  to  reward  in  the  life  to  come.  The 
other  was  a worldly  object,  that  the  army  of 
Islam  might  gain  something  by  plundering 
the  wealth  of  the  infidels  : plunder  in  war  is 
as  lawful  as  their  mothers’  milk  to  Musul- 
mans  who  fight  for  their  faith,  and  the  con- 
suming of  that  which  is  lawful  is  a means  of 
grace.” 

This  definition  of  the  means  of  grace 
sounds  like  a distorted  reminiscence  of  his 
friendship  with  the  Seiyid  Berrekah. 

“ I have  not  been  able  [he  said]  to  effect 
my  vast  conquests  without  some  violence 
and  the  destruction  of  a great  number  of 
true  believers ; but  I am  now  resolved  to 
perform  a good  and  great  action,  which  shall 
be  an  expiation  of  all  my  sins.  I mean  to 
exterminate  the  idolaters  of  China.  And 
you,  my  dear  companions,  who  have  been 
the  instruments  of  many  of  my  crimes,  shall 
share  in  the  merit  of  this  great  work  of 
repentance.”  Fortunately  for  the  infidels  of 


54  The  Mogtil  Emperors 

China,  he  died  at  the  very  beginning  of  this 
enterprise. 

In  nearly  two-score  campaigns  Timur  over- 
ran many  kingdoms  and  tribes.  “ He  anni- 
hilated empires  as  one  tears  up  grass.”  He 
penetrated  Siberia  till  his  camps  were  nearly 
fifteen  hundred  miles  distant  from  Samar- 
kand. His  forces  ravaged  southeastern  and 
southern  Russia  to  the  Don  and  the  Sea  of 
Azof.  His  invasions  of  India  carried  him  to 
Delhi  and  beyond.  Georgia,  Anatolia,  Ar- 
menia and  Syria  were  conquered,  and  the 
great  cities  of  Smyrna,  Aleppo,  Bagdad,  and 
Damascus  were  destroyed.  He  was  just 
beginning  a campaign  against  China  when 
he  died,  three  hundred  miles  east  of  Samar- 
kand (a.  d.  1405). 

Such  amazing  military  successes  imply 
genius  of  the  first  order,  and  of  themselves 
justify  his  title — “ the  great.” 

It  cannot  be  said  that  he  ruled  the  vast 
extent  of  conquered  country  ; but  he  ravaged 
all  of  it,  and  continued  to  receive  tribute 
from  a great  part ; from  the  Persian  Gulf  to 
the  Caspian,  and  from  the  Euxine  to  the 


Tamerlane  the  Great 


55 


Ganges,  the  coins  bore  his  device  of  over- 
lordship, and  tribute  and  presents  enriched 
his  treasury. 

Timur  had  instructed  his  scribes  to  record 
whatever  he  should  say,  “ even  to  the  last 
moment  of  my  existence.”  The  injunction 
was  carried  out  to  the  letter,  for  one  manu- 
script of  his  Memoirs  ends  thus : “ At  night 
[March  19,  a.  d.  1405]  calling  upon  the  name 
of  Allah,  I lost  my  senses  and  resigned  my 
pure  soul  to  the  Creator.”  His  pure  soul!  . 

Thoroughly  to  realize  the  gulf  which 
then  separated  the  East  and  the  West,  we 
have  but  to  recall  a single  date— our  English 
Chaucer  was  buried  in  Westminster  Abbey 
in  October,  a.  d.  1400. 


5^ 


The  Mog2il  Emperors 


CHAPTER  II 

ZEHIR-ED-DIN  MUHAMMAD  BABAR,  THE  CON- 
QUEROR, EMPEROR  OF  HINDUSTAN  (bORN 
A.D.  1482,  DIED  1530) 

The  Memoirs  of  Babar  begin  with  these 
words:  “In  the  month  of  Ramazan  and  in 
the  twelfth  year  of  my  age  I became  King  of 
Ferghana.  The  country  of  Ferghana  is 
situated  in  the  fifth  climate,  on  the  extreme 
boundary  of  the  habitable  world.  On  the 
east  it  has  Kashgar  and  on  the  west  Samar- 
kand. The  revenues  of  Ferghana  may 
suffice,  without  oppressing  the  country,  to 
maintain  three  or  four  thousand  troops. 
It  is  a country  of  small  extent,  abound- 
ing in  grain  and  fruits  ” — and  of  these 
fruits  the  melon  is  the  favorite  and  the  chief. 
To  his  dying  day  Babar  remembered  the 
melons  of  his  native  country.  Ferghana  was 
famous  for  its  learned  doctors  of  the  law  and 


HUMAYUN 

JAHANGIR 


BABAR 

AKBAR 


si 


Zehir-ed-din  Muham^nad  Babar  57 

for  its  poets,  too,  as  we  shall  see.  It  was 
one  of  the  innumerable  small  states  into 
which  Timur’s  possessions  had  been  divided 
after  his  death.  This  state  had  fallen  to  the 
share  of  Babar’s  father,  “a  prince  of  high 
ambitions,”  a strict  Muhammadan,  a patron  of 
learning,  a poet,  and  a friend  of  poets.  His 
favorite  poem  was  the  famous  Shah-nameh  of 
Firdausi,  that  chronicle  of  knightly  deeds. 

He  was  renowned  for  his  justice ; and 
Babar  gives  a striking  instance  of  it.  A 
caravan  from  Northern  China  had  perished  in 
the  snow  near  his  capital,  at  a time  when  he 
was  in  real  want.  In  spite  of  his  necessities 
the  merchandise  was  sacredly  preserved  till, 
after  one  or  two  years,  the  heirs  of  the 
merchants  came  to  his  city  and  received  it, 
untouched,  from  his  hands.  “ His  generosity 
was  large,”  says  Babar,  “and  so  was  his  whole 
soul ; he  was  of  an  excellent  temper,  affable 
and  sweet  in  his  conversation,  yet  brave, 
withal,  and  manly.” 

On  his  sudden  death,  Babar,  his  eldest  son, 
sixth  in  descent  from  Timur,  succeeded  to  the 
sovereignty,  which  he  was,  however,  obliged 


58 


The  Mogtcl  Emperors 


to  dispute  with  his  rival  brothers  and  to  pro- 
tect from  external  foes.  Babar’s  mother  was 
the  daughter  of  Yunis-Khan,  a direct  de- 
scendant of  Chengiz-Khan,  thirteenth  in  the 
male  line.  “ She  accompanied  me  in  most 
of  my  wars  and  expeditions.”  His  maternal 
grandmother  was  a woman  of  extraordinary 
force  and  wise  in  counsel.  “ There  were  few 
of  her  sex  who  excelled  her  in  sense  and 
sagacity.”  These  women  were  Babar’s  guides 
and  counsellors  in  the  small  wars  with  which 
his  early  years  were  occupied.  His  Jl/emoirs 
are  a recital  of  hundreds  of  petty  com- 
bats, sieges,  and  stratagems,  “ excursions  and 
alarums,”  successes  and  defeats,  in  the  struggle 
to  retain  Ferghana  or  to  capture  Samarkand. 
Babar  succeeded  to  the  throne  about  two 
years  before  the  discovery  of  America  by 
Columbus,  and  four  years  before  Vasco  da 
Gama  reached  India.  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 
bella in  Spain,  Henry  VII  and  Henry  VHI 
in  England,  were  his  contemporaries. 

Babar’s  Alejnoirs  were  written  with  his 
own  hand  in  the  Turki  language,  and  have 
come  down  to  us  practically  unchanged. 


hir-ed-din  Muhammad  Babar  59 

They  cover  nearly  all  of  his  history  to  within 
a year  of  his  death.  All  of  this  history  is 
recounted  in  the  most  straightforward,  simple, 
engaging,  manly  way.  “ I have  no  inten- 
tion,” he  says,  “ in  what  I have  written,  to 
reflect  on  any  one.  All  that  I have  said  is 
only  the  plain  truth.  And  I have  not  men- 
tioned it  with  the  least  design  to  praise 
myself.  I have  in  every  word  most  scrupu- 
lously followed  the  truth.  Let  the  reader, 
therefore,  excuse  me.” 

Babar’s  father  had  cherished  an  overpow- 
ering ambition  to  capture  Samarkand,  the 
ancient  capital  of  Timur’s  kingdom,  and 
Babar  succeeded  to  the  desire.  During 
Timur’s  lifetime  the  government  of  the  capi- 
tal had  been  conferred  on  one  of  his  sons, 
and  on  a grandson.  At  Timur’s  death,  his 
youngest  son  Shahrokh  Mirza,  the  ruler  of 
Khorassan,  had  seized  the  city,  and  had 
given  it  over  to  be  ruled  by  his  son  Ulugh 
Beg  Mirza,  the  famous  astronomer ; “ from 
whom  it  was  taken,”  says  Babar,  “ by  his  son 
Abdul-latif  Mirza,  who,  for  the  sake  of  the 
enjoyments  of  this  fleeting  world,  murdered 


6o 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


his  own  father,  an  old  man  so  illustrious 
for  his  knowledge. 

Ulugh  Beg,  the  ocean  of  learning  and  science. 

Who  was  the  protector  of  this  loxuer  world. 

Drank  from  Abbas  the  honey  of  martyrdom. 

Yet  his  son  did  not  retain  the  diadem 
above  five  or  six  months  ; 

— Ill  does  sovereignty  become  a parricide  ; 

But  should  he  gain  it,  let  six  months  be  the  limit  of  his  reign. 

The  verses  are  Babar’s  own. 

“After  Abdul -latif  Mirza,*  Abdullah 
Mirza  mounted  the  throne,  and  reigned 
nearly  two  years.  After  him  the  govern- 
ment was  seized  by  Sultan  Abusaid  Mirza, 
who  conferred  it  upon  his  eldest  son  Sultan 
Ahmed  Mirza.  On  his  death  (1494)  Sultan 
Mahmud  Mirza  ascended  the  throne,  and 
after  him,  Baiesanghar  Mirza.  I took  it 
from  Baiesanghar  Mirza.  The  events  that 
followed  will  be  mentioned  in  the  course  of 
these  Memoirs." 

* There  is  a legend  that  Ulugh  Beg,  finding  that  the  stars  fore- 
told his  assassination  at  the  hands  of  his  son,  drove  the  latter  into 
rebellion  by  unmerited  ill-treatment.  But  Babar’s  view  of  the  case 
is  plainly  different  ; and  it  would  seem  that  Babar  should  know. 
See  also  Vambery’s  History  of  Bokhara,  Chapter  XII. 


Zehir  ed-din  Muham7nad  Babar  6i 


The  succession  of  rulers  presents  a vivid 
idea  of  the  unsettled  period  in  which  Babar 
lived.  Another  striking  instance  may  be 
given.  He  had  five  sisters;  and  two  of  the 
five  were  captured  in  war  and  found  places  in 
the  harems  of  his  enemies.  These  were  the 
daughters  and  sisters  of  kin^s. 

o o 

The  ]\Ieinoirs  go  on  to  give  the  names  and 
the  characters  of  the  Turki  chiefs  by  whom 
Babar’s  cause  was  supported ; and  his  out- 
spoken judgments  allow  us  to  know  his  own 
character  as  well  as  theirs.  One  was  “ a 
good-humored  man,  of  plain,  simple  manners, 
who  excelled  in  singing  at  drinking  parties.” 
Another  was  “ a pious,  religious,  faithful 
Muslim,  whose  judgment  and  talents  w’ere 
uncommonly  good.  He  was  of  a facetious 
turn,  and  though  he  could  neither  read  nor 
write,  he  had  an  ingenious  and  elegant  vein 
of  wit.”  “ Another  was  Mir  Ali  Dost,  who 
was  related  to  my  maternal  grandmother.  I 
showed  him  great  favor.  I was  told  that  he 
would  be  a useful  man  ; but  during  all  the 
years  that  he  was  with  me,  I cannot  tell 
what  service  he  ever  did.”  “ Another  was 


62 


The  Mogtd  Emperors 


Amir  Omar-Beg.  He  was  a brave,  plain, 
honest  man.  A son  of  his  is  still  with  me ; 
he  is  a lazy,  idle,  good-for-nothing  fellow. 
Such  a father  to  have  such  a son  ! ” 

In  this  manner  Babar  runs  over  the  cata- 
logue of  his  officers  and  companions,  and 
weighs  their  qualities,  just  as  the  Emperor 
Marcus  Aurelius  sums  up  the  character  of  his 
associates.  Let  these  further  instances  suf- 
fice. 

“ Indeed,  Ali  Shir  Beg  was  an  incompar- 
able person.  From  the  time  that  poetry  was 
first  written  in  our  langfuacfe  no  man  has 
written  so  much  and  so  well.  He  also  left 
excellent  pieces  of  music  ; excellent  both  as 
to  the  airs  themselves  and  as  to  the  preludes. 
There  is  not  upon  record  in  our  history  any 
man  who  was  a greater  patron  of  men  of 
ingenuity  and  talent  than  he.”  Musicians, 
painters,  and  poets  alike  came  under  his  pro- 
tection ; and  he  was  singular  in  this,  that  he 
had  neither  wife  nor  child.  “He  passed 
through  the  world  unencumbered.”  He  de- 
clined the  cares  of  government,  and  spent  his 
time  in  study  and  composition.  The  follow- 


Zehir-ed-din  Muha^nmad  Babar  63 


ing  is  his  : “ Oh,  you  who  say,  'Do  not  curse 
Yazid,  for  possibly  the  Almighty  may  have 
mercy  on  himl  I say,  if  the  Lord  pardoneth 
all  the  evil  which  Yazid  did  to  the  descendants 
of  the  Prophet,  he  will  also  pardon  you  who 
tnay  have  cursed  hhnl' 

“ Another  was  Sheikhem  Beor,  He  com- 

o 

posed  a manner  of  verses  in  which  both  the 
words  and  sense  are  terrifying  and  corres- 
pond with  each  other.  The  following  is  his : 

During  my  sorrows  of  the  night  the  whirlpool  of  my  sighs  bears 
the  firmament  from  its  place ; 

The  dragons  of  the  inundations  of  my  tears  bear  down  the  four 
quarters  of  the  habitable  world." 


When  he  repeated  these  verses,  the  Mulla 
said  to  him  : “ Are  you  repeating  poetry,  or 
are  you  frightening  folks?”* 

* I cannot  resist  quoting  a short  poem  by  Abd-er-Razzah  to 
illustrate  a different  kind  of  Oriental  exaggeration.  He  was  on  the 
shores  of  the  Persian  Gulf  in  May.  1^42,  and  thus  describes  the 
intense  heat  ; 

Soon  as  the  sun  shone  forth  from  the  height  of  heaven^ 

The  heart  of  stone  grew  hot  beneath  its  orb  : 

The  horizon  was  so  much  scorched-up  by  its  raysy 
That  the  heart  of  stone  became  soft  like  wax  ; 

The  bodies  of  the  fishes,  at  the  bottoms  of  the  fshfonds^ 

Burned  like  the  silk  which  is  exposed  to  the  fre; 

Both  the  water  and  the  air  ga^ie  out  so  burning  a heat 
That  the  fish  went  away  to  seek  refuge  in  the  fire  ; 

In  the  plains,  hunting  became  a matter  of  perfect  easet 
For  the  desert  was  filled  with  roasted  gazelles. 


64 


The  Mogiil  Empei'ors 


The  chief  doctor  of  the  canon  law  In  Fer- 
ghana was  executed  by  his  enemy.  Of  him 
Babar,  himself  the  bravest  of  men,  says:  “ I 
have  no  doubt  that  he  was  a saint.  What 
better  proof  of  it  than  that  all  his  enemies 
perished  in  a short  while?  He  was  also  a 
very  bold  man,  which  Is  also  no  mean  proof 
of  sanctity.  All  mankind,  however  brave 
they  be,  have  some  little  anxiety  or  trepida- 
tion about  them.  He  had  not  a particle  of 
either.” 

Khosrou  Shah  was  thoroughly  hated  by 
Babar,  who  says  that,  “ For  the  sake  of  this 
fleeting  and  faithless  world,  which  never  was 
and  never  will  be  true  to  anyone,  this  thank- 
less and  ungrateful  man  seized  the  Sultan, 
a prince  whom  he  himself  had  reared  from 
infancy  to  manhood,  and  whose  tutor  he  had 
been,  and  blinded  him  by  lancing  his  eyes. 
Every  day  till  the  day  of  judgment  may  a 
hundred  thousand  curses  light  on  the  head 
of  that  man  who  is  guilty  of  such  black 
treachery  ; let  every  man  who  hears  of  this 
action  of  Khosrou  Shah  pour  out  impreca- 
tions upon  him  ; for  he  who  hears  of  such 


Zehir-ed-dm  Muhammad  Babar  65 

a deed  and  does  not  curse  him,  is  himself 
worthy  to  be  cursed.”  Ali  Shir’s  verses  may 
have  suggested  the  form  of  this  passage. 

Such  were  the  chiefs  by  whom  Babar  was 
surrounded,  and  through  whom  and  against 
whom  he  had  to  act.  Their  followers  were 
brave,  but  inconstant.  Their  cities  alter- 
nately welcomed  the  straggling  army  of 
Babar  (which  was  sometimes  no  more  than 
two  hundred  warriors)  and  rejected  it. 

Babar  learned  the  art  of  war  in  a rough 
school,  and  he  learned  it  thoroughly.  On  one 
occasion,  much  plunder  was  unjustly  taken 
by  his  men,  which  he  made  them  give  up. 
“ Such  was  the  discipline  of  my  army  that 
the  whole  was  restored  without  reserve,  and 
before  the  first  watch  of  the  next  day  was 
over,  there  was  not  a bit  of  thread  or  a 
broken  needle  that  was  not  restored  to  its 
owner.”  He  was  one  of  the  first  to  intro- 
duce concerted  action  of  divisions  of  his 
army  in  the  place  of  mad  rushes  of  sepa- 
rate hordes  and  tribes. 

Samarkand,  the  city  of  Babar’s  affections, 
was  thrice  taken  and  lost.  He  is  never 


66 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


tired  of  dwelling  on  the  perfection  of  its 
buildings.  “ In  the  whole  habitable  world 
there  are  few  cities  so  pleasantly  situated.” 
Its  walls  were  paced  out  by  Babar’s  order, 
and  found  to  be  five  English  miles  in 
circuit.  “ It  is,  he  says,  in  latitude  39°  37', 
longitude  99°  16'.”  This  is  the  calculation 
from  Ulugh  Beg’s  “ tables,”  the  longitude 
being  counted  from  Ferro.  Ulugh  Beg 
(1393-1449)  was  far  better  fitted  to  shine 
as  a man  of  science  than  as  a king.  His 
short  reign  of  three  years  was  a succession 
of  misfortunes,  but  his  fame  as  a mathema- 
tician and  as  an  astronomer  is  permanent. 

Since  the  time  of  the  Greek  schools  of 
Alexandria,  the  home  of  the  exact  sciences 
had  been,  successively,  Bagdad,  Cordova  and 
Seville,  Tangiers  and  Samarkand;*  and  it 
was  not  until  the  time  of  Tycho  (1576) 
that  such  learning  was  born  in  the  western 
peoples.  Ulugh  Beg  was  the  last  of  the 


* It  is  interesting  to  kno.v  that  the  new  masters  of  Turkistan — 
the  Russians — have  lately  established  an  obser%'atory  at  Tashkend, 
four  centuries  and  a half  after  the  establishment  of  that  at 
Samarkand. 


Zehir-ed-din  Muhammad  Babar  67 

Arabian  school.  A century  and  a half 
before  Tycho,  he  constructed  mighty  instru- 
ments for  astronomical  observation,  and,  with 
the  aid  of  a hundred  observers  and  calcu- 
lators, he  prepared  his  famous  tables  of  the 
motions  of  the  planets  and  his  catalogues 
of  stars. 

“ Ulugh  Beg’s  observatory,”  says  Babar, 
“ was  erected  on  the  skirts  of  the  hill  of 
Kolik,  and  was  three  stories  in  height.  Not 
more  than  seven  or  eigfht  observatories  have 
been  constructed  in  the  world.  Amonof 
these,  one  was  erected  by  the  Caliph  Mamun, 
another  was  built  by  Ptolemy  at  Alexandria.” 
The  college,  the  baths,  the  mosques,  all  call 
for  exceeding  praise ; even  “the  bakers’  shops 
are  excellent,  and  the  cooks  are  skilful.”  The 
streets  of  Samarkand  were  paved,  and  run- 
ning water  was  distributed  in  pipes.  Once 
more  we  hear  of  its  excellent  melons,  and 
of  the  wine  of  Bokhara,  one  of  its  depend- 
encies. “ When  I drank  wine  at  Samar- 
kand, in  the  days  when  I had  my  drinking 
bouts,  I used  that  wine.”  It  was  a learned 
city,  too,  and  hospitable  to  poets  ; and  here 


68 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


Babar  acquired  and  practised  the  poetic  art 
himself,  with  no  mean  skill. 

Idle  city  was  full  of  noble  buildings, 
mosques,  colleges,  palaces,  built  by  artisans 
impressed  by  Timur,  and  decorated  with 
mosaics,  gilding,  and  pictures.* 

The  colleges  were  full  of  learned  men  and 
students  ; the  court  of  the  kings,  with  poets 
and  painters.  This  was  the  heyday  of  Turki 
learning,  which  blossomed  in  the  midst  of 
ignorance.  Not  all  of  the  chief  men  could 
read  and  write,  however,  and  the  memory 
was  therefore  highly  cultivated.  As  one  of 
them  said  : “ When  a man  has  once  heard 
anything,  how  can  he  forget  it?”  “Hilali, 
the  poet,  had  so  retentive  a memory  that  he 
could  recall  from  thirty  to  forty  thousand 

* This  was  not  orthodox  for  good  Muslims.  Muhammad  says, 
“ The  angels  do  not  enter  a house  in  which  is  a dog,  nor  that 
house  in  which  there  are  pictures  ; ” and  in  another  place,  more 
briefly,  “every  painter  is  in  hell-fire.”  The  Muslims,  like  the 
Jews,  were  no  friends  to  painting  and  sculpture;  but  noble  archi- 
tecture early  became  a passion  with  them.  After  Babar’s  time  the 
arts  and  learning  rapidly  declined  in  Samarkand,  and  by  the  seven- 
teenth century  the  city  was  stagnant.  On  May  14,  1S68,  the  Rus- 
sians took  possession,  and  the  twentieth  century  may  witness  a 
revival  of  learning  in  the  colleges  of  Turkistan. 


Zehir-ed-din  Mtihammad  Babar  69 

couplets.”  Such  mnemonic  feats  seem  in- 
credible to  us  moderns,  who  are  used  to 
depend  upon  the  eye  and  not  upon  the  ear. 
Yet  they  are  doubtless  correctly  reported. 
The  Rig- Veda  contains  more  than  ten 
thousand  verses,  and  for  over  two  thousand 
years  it  was  preserved  solely  by  oral  tra- 
ditions, and  not  one,  but  thousands  of 
Brahmins  could  recite  it  word  for  word. 

An  alphabet  introduced  by  Nestorian 
priests  had  been  employed  up  to  Babar’s 
time,  as  I have  said  ; but  he  invented  and 
introduced  a new  manner  of  writing — the 

o 

Babari  character — and  his  presents  to  great 
nobles  were  often  copies  of  his  poems, 
written  out  by  his  transcribers.  He  himself 
was  a great  stickler  for  propriety  in  com- 
position ; and  on  one  occasion  he  soundly 
rates  his  eldest  son,  Humayun,  then  the 
reisfnincf  monarch  in  Kabul,  for  various 
literary  errors.  “ In  consequence  of  the 
far-fetched  words  you  have  employed,  your 
meaning  is  by  no  means  very  intelligible. 
Your  spelling  is  not  bad,  yet  not  quite 
correct.  You  certainly  do  not  excel  in 


70 


The  Mogtd  Emperors 


letter-writing.  In  the  future  you  should 
write  unaffectedly,  with  clearness,  using 
plain  words,  which  cost  less  trouble  to 
both  writer  and  reader.” 

Here  is  one  of  Babar’s  early  couplets, 
written  when  he  was  in  great  distress : 

Do  thou  resign  to  Fate  him  who  injures  thee. 

For  Fate  is  a servant  that  7oill  not  leave  thee  unavenged. 

And  again  : 

Let  the  sword  of  the  world  be  brandished  as  it  may. 

It  cannot  cut  one  vein  without  the  permission  of  AlLih  ! 

J have  found  no  faithful  friend  in  the  world  bid  my  soul ; 

Except  my  own  heart,  I have  no  trusty  confidant. 

The  period  to  v/hich  this  refers  was  a 
dark  one  in  Babar’s  fortunes.  He  had  lost 
Ferghana,  and  Samarkand  was  no  longer  his. 

“For  nearly  one  hundred  and  forty  years 
Samarkand  had  been  the  capital  of  my 
family.  A foreign  robber,*  one  knew  not 

* This  “foreign  robber  ” was  a direct  descendant  of  Chengiz- 
Khan,  and,  therefore,  a relative  of  Babar  himself,  who,  however, 
was  no  friend  to  the  Mogul  tribesmen,  but  counted  himself  a Turki. 
Babar  is  unjust  to  this  rival  Sheibani  in  his  Memoirs,  as  also  to 
another  rival,  Khosrou  Shah.  Sheibani  Khan  was  an  enterprising 
and  successful  soldier,  a poet,  a scholar  in  Arabic,  Turki,  and 
Persian,  a builder  of  colleges  and  mosques,  and  a notable  patron  of 
learned  men. 


Zehir-ed-din  Muham^nad  Babar  71 

whence  he  came,  had  seized  the  kingdom, 
which  dropped  from  our  hands.  Almighty 
Allah  now  gave  me  back  my  plundered  and 
pillaged  country.”  It  was  lost  to  him,  how- 
ever, by  the  issue  of  a pitched  battle.  “ Such 
was  our  situation  when  I precipitated  matters 
and  hurried  on  the  battle  ; 

He  who  with  impatient  haste  lays  his  hand  on  his  sword. 

Will  afterward  gnaw  that  hand  with  his  teeth  from  regret. 

“ The  cause  of  my  eagerness  to  engage 
was,  that  the  stars  called  the  ‘eight  stars’ 
were  on  that  day  exactly  between  the  two 
armies ; and  if  I had  suffered  that  day  to 
elapse,  they  would  have  been  favorable  to 
the  enemy.”  And  he  goes  on  to  say,  with 
the  experience  of  his  later  years  : “ These 
observances  were  all  nonsense,  and  my  pre- 
cipitation was  without  the  least  solid  excuse.” 
This  battle  lost  him  his  kingdom  once 
more  ; but  he  never  quite  recovered  from 
superstition.  Witness  the  following  involved 
account  of  his  reasons  for  refusing  a battle 
in  India  toward  the  end  of  his  life  : “ If  on 
that  same  Saturday  I had  fought,  it  is  prob- 


72 


The  Mogiil  Emperors 


able  that  I should  have  won.  But  it  came 
into  my  head  that  last  year  I had  set  out 
on  a New  Year’s  Day,  which  fell  on  a Tues- 
day, and  had  overthrown  my  enemy  on  a 
Saturday.  This  year  we  commenced  our 
march  on  New  Year’s  Day,  which  fell  on  a 
Wednesday,  and  if  we  beat  them  on  a Sun- 
day it  would  be  a (too)  remarkable  coin- 
cidence. On  that  account  I did  not  march 
my  troops  ” ! 

I have  now  to  recount  what  is,  and  will 
doubtless  remain,  one  of  the  standing  puz- 
zles of  Babar’s  history.  We  shall  see  that 
Babar  was  the  soul  of  outspoken  boldness, 
and  that  he  was  not  afraid  to  confess  himself 
in  the  wrong,  nor  unwilling  to  amend.  He 
was  skilled  in  the  devices  of  poetic  art,  but 
the  very  essence  of  the  dramatic  power  of 
his  Memoirs  is  their  flowinsf  naturalness  and 
simplicity.  The  Memoirs  continue  to  about 
the  year  1529,  a year  before  his  death. 
Remembering  all  this,  it  is  more  than  strange 
to  find  in  them  two  sudden  gaps,  where  the 
narrative  breaks  off  abruptly,  and  leaves  the 
hero  in  the  midst  of  the  extremest  perils. 


Zehir-ed-din  Muha^nmad  Babar  73 

The  first  of  these  gaps  occurs  at  the  end 
of  the  year  1502,  and  the  narrative  is  not 
resumed  until  1504. 

Babar  is  defending  a fortress  with  scarcely 
more  than  a hundred  men.  His  enemies 
arrive,  and  after  a severe  fight  he  is  forced  to 
cut  his  way  to  the  nearest  gateway  and  to  fly. 
Every  detail  of  a most  exciting  hand-to-hand 
fight  is  given,  even  to  the  number  of  arrows 
that  Babar  discharged.  “ A man  on  horse- 
back passed  close  to  me,  fleeing  up  the  nar- 
row lane  (of  the  city).  I struck  him  such  a 
blow  on  the  temples  with  the  point  of  my 
sword  that  he  bent  over  as  if  ready  to  fall 
from  his  horse,  but,  supporting  himself  on  the 
wall  of  the  lane,  he  did  not  lose  his  seat,  and 
escaped  with  the  utmost  hazard.”  Through 
hand-to-hand  fighting  like  this,  Babar  escapes, 
and  gains  the  open  country,  warmly  pursued. 
H is  adherents  are  soon  reduced  to  eight,  and 
presently  Babar  is  fleeing  alone.  At  last 
only  two  of  the  enemy  were  close  to  him. 

“ They  gained  upon  me  ; my  horse  began 
to  flag.  What  was  to  be  done  ? I had  about 
twenty  arrows  left.  The  pursuers  did  not 


7^  The  Mogul  Emperors 

come  nearer  than  a bowshot,  but  kept  on 
tracking-  me.”  The  flight  had  begun  before 
afternoon  prayers,  and  it  was  now  sunset. 
His  enemies  called  to  him,  but  he  pushed  on 
till  about  bedtime  prayers,  when  he  reached 
a place  where  his  horse  could  go  no  farther. 
His  pursuers  swore  to  him  by  the  Kuran 
that  they  wished  to  do  him  no  harm.  He 
forced  them  to  proceed  in  front  of  him  out 
of  the  glen  where  they  were,  towards  the 
road,  and  they  continued  marching  till  the 
dawn.  The  next  day  they  lay  concealed,  with 
but  little  food,  and  only  a moment  for  sleep. 
After  midnight  another  enemy  arrived  with 
the  information  that  Babar’s  chief  rival  knew 
their  place  of  concealment.  He  had  been 
betrayed  by  his  companions.  “ I was  thrown 
into  a dreadful  state  of  agitation.  There  is 
nothing  which  affects  a man  with  more  pain- 
ful feelings  than  the  near  prospect  of  death. 
‘Tell  me  the  truth,’  I exclaimed,  ‘if  indeed 
things  are  about  to  go  with  me  contrary  to 
my  wishes,  that  I may  at  least  perform  my 
last  ablutions.’  I felt  my  strength  gone. 
I rose  and  went  to  a corner  of  the  garden.  I 


Zehir-ed-din  Muhammad  Babar  75 

meditated  with  myself  and  said : ‘ Should  a 
man  live  a hundred,  nay  a thousand  years, 

yet  at  last  he ’ ” So  the  narrative  breaks 

off. 

It  is  not  resumed  for  two  years,  when 
Babar’s  fortunes  had  improved  vastly.  Is  It 
a piece  of  literary  art?  Is  it  to  spare  him 
the  recital  of  the  successful  Intrigues  by 
which  he  drove  Khosrou  Shah  from  his  king- 
dom and  took  his  place?  Is  he  ashamed  of 
these  intrigues,  and  is  this  the  reason  why  he 
blackens  the  character  of  Khosrou,  of  whom 
others  speak  so  well  ? There  is  no  solution. 

The  first  break  In  the  narrative  might  be 
taken  as  an  accident  if  It  were  not  for  a sec- 
ond occurrence  of  the  same  kind  In  the  year 
i5o8,  when  Babar  was  deserted  by  the  very 
Moguls  whom  he  had  seduced  from  their 
allegiance  to  Khosrou  Shah,  and  by  all  his 
followers  of  every  rank  and  description. 
From  this  second  misfortune  Babar  rescued 
himself  by  desperate  fighting  and  reckless 
personal  valor,  as  we  learn  from  other 
sources.  The  fickle  tribesmen  deserted  their 
former  rulers  and  attached  themselves  to 


76 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


his  fortunes.  The  Persians  became  his  allies. 
The  cities  opened  their  gates,  and  he  became 
the  master  of  Kabul,  and  Kabul  was  the 
stepping-stone  to  India. 

Sheibani,  the  ancient  enemy  of  Babar,  who 
had  usurped  his  kingdom  of  Samarkand, 
came  to  a violent  end.  His  body  was  dis- 
membered, and  his  limbs  were  sent  to  differ- 
ent kingdoms.  His  head  was  stuffed  with 
hay  and  sent  to  the  Turkish  emperor  at 
Constantinople.  His  skull,  set  in  gold,  was 
used  by  the  Persian  king  as  a drinking-cup. 
Babar’s  allies,  the  Persians,  put  fifteen  thou- 
sand prisoners  to  the  sword.  Many  of  these 
were  of  Babar’s  own  race,  and  this  alliance 
with  the  Persians  did  not  help  him  to  re- 
cover his  kingdom,  though  his  worst  enemies 
were  overcome  by  their  assistance,  and  he 
was  thus  left  free  to  execute  his  conquest 
of  Hindustan.  Taking  aid  from  the  hated 
Skias  of  Persia  could  never  be  approved 
by  the  orthodox  Turki  Sunnis  of  Trans- 
oxania. 

Herat,  too,  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of 
his  allies  and  relatives,  and  he  made  a long 


Zehir-cd-din  Muhammad  Babar  77 

stay  at  their  court.  At  a great  feast  in 
Herat,  Babar  had  another  occasion  to  show 
his  simple  manners.  He  records  the  event 
thus  : “In  the  course  of  the  feast  a roast 
goose  was  put  down  in  front  of  me.  As  I 
was  ignorant  of  the  mode  of  carving  it,  I let 
it  alone.  Badia-ez-Zeman  Mirza  (the  head 
of  Babar’s  family)  asked  me  if  I did  not  like 
it ; I told  him  frankly  that  I did  not  know 
how  to  carve  it.”  The  court  was  refined  and 
luxurious,  and  this  was  a great  feast  of 
Babar’s  relatives  to  him  as  a young  m.an. 
It  cost  him  a little  to  confess  his  ignorance 
of  so  simple  a thing.  But  he  did  not 
shrink. 

The  fortunes  of  this  city  of  Herat — Heri 
— the  Aria  of  the  Greek  chronicles  of  Alex- 
ander— deserve  a chapter,  not  a brief  para- 
graph. In  the  time  of  Chengiz-Khan  it  was 
a crowded  city,  having,  with  its  surrounding 
country,  a population  of  several  hundreds  of 
thousands.  After  its  first  siege  of  a.d. 
1222-1223  its  inhabitants  were  spared.  A 
revolt  on  their  part  led  to  the  second  siege 
of  seven  months,  and  to  its  capture.  For 


78 


The  Mogul  Eviperors 


seven  days  and  nights  it  was  devoted  to 
plunder  and  massacre,  and  the  native  his- 
torians aver  that  more  than  a million  persons 
perished.  Whatever  the  exact  number  may 
have  been,  the  Mogul  troops  did  not  leave 
until  it  was  supposed  no  single  inhabitant 
remained  alive.  After  their  departure  some 
three  thousand  wretched  beings  assembled 
amid  the  ruins.  In  a few  hours  a band  of 
two  thousand  Moguls  returned  and  completed 
the  slaughter,  and  the  remnant  perished  to  a 
man,  save  for  sixteen  miserable  creatures 
who  had  hidden  themselves  in  sewers,  in 
water-courses,  in  the  dome  of  the  mosque. 
These  finally  crept  fearfully  forth  amid  the 
smoking  ruins  of  the  great  and  beautiful 
city.  They  were  joined  by  other  four  and 
twenty  from  the  surrounding  country,  and 
for  fifteen  years  these  forty  individuals  were 
the  only  inhabitants  of  the  proudest  city  of 
the  East,  which  had  counted  her  children  by 
hundreds  of  thousands.  Herat  was  rebuilt 
by  Octal  Khan  about  a.d.  1235,  and  it  soon 
recovered  its  splendor.  In  the  time  of  Babar 
it  was  the  most  polite  city  of  the  East. 


Zehir-ed-din  Muhammad  Baba>  79 

Herat  is  the  soul,  of  which  this  ivorld  is  but 
the  body ; and  if  Khorassan  be  the  bosom  of 
the  world,  Herat  is  allowed  to  be  the  heart. 

This  is  Babar’s  account  of  it : 

“The  city  of  Herat  abounded  with  emi- 
nent men  of  unrivalled  acquirements,  each  of 
whom  made  it  his  aim  and  ambition  to  carry 
to  the  highest  perfection  the  art  to  which 
he  devoted  himself.  Among  these  was  the 
Moulana  Abdul-rahman  Jami,  to  whom  no 
person  of  the  period  could  be  compared, 
whether  in  respect  to  sacred  or  to  profane 
science.  His  poems  are  well  known.  His 
merits  are  of  too  exalted  a nature  to  admit 
of  being  described  by  me  ; but  I have  been 
anxious  to  bring  the  mention  of  his  name 
and  an  allusion  to  his  excellences  into  these 
humble  pages  for  a good  omen  and  a bless- 
ing.” The  following  quatrain  of  Babar’s  is 
not  out  of  place  here.: 

Though  lam  not  related  to  Dervishes, 

Yet  I am  devoted  to  them  heart  and  soul. 

Say  not  that  the  state  of  a Prince  is  remote  from  that  of  a Dervish  ; 

Though  a King,  I am  the  Dervish's  slave. 

Babar  enumerates  the  many  wise  men, 


8o 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


poets,  and  musicians  who  were  living  in 
Herat  in  his  youth.  Jami  was  the  chief  of 
the  poets,  but  he  finds  space  for  short  biog- 
raphies of  a dozen  others,  and  for  some 
account  of  the  skilled  painters  and  musi- 
cians of  the  court.  Professor  Vambery,  who 
should  be  an  authority  on  such  matters, 
declares : * 

“ Every  notion  a Muhammadan  in  Asia 
or  elsewhere  possesses  (at  this  day)  of 
culture,  refinement,  high  civilization  — in 
short,  of  all  those  qualities  now  only  known 
to  him  by  name — is  derived  from  the  con- 
ditions which  then  (in  the  times  from  Timur 
to  Babar)  flourished  at  the  courts  of  Herat 
and  Samarkand.”  By  diligently  reading  the 
annals  of  these  alien  people,  they  come  to 
seem  almost  familiar  to  us,  because  we 
distinguish  the  underlying  note  of  a common 
human  nature,  and  almost  lose  the  superficial 
sense  of  foreignness.  Everything  appears  so 
modern  that  we  need  to  force  ourselves  to 
return  abruptly  to  our  accustomed  standards 
in  order  to  preserve  a right  perspective. 


Ilistjry  of  Bokhai  a,  page  241. 


Zehir-cd-din  Mtihammad  Babar  8i 


The  poets  and  artists  of  Herat  in  1507  form 
a group  that  is  almost  friendly.  To  acquire 
a due  perception  of  their  separateness,  we 
must  seek  for  a sharp  antithesis.  The 
poems  of  Ali  Shir  Beg  touch  us  to-day,  but 
we  are  forced  to  recognize  that  Schubert’s 

o 

B-minor  symphony  would  be  mere  discord 
to  him. 

The  incident  which  follows,  shows  Babar’s 
estimate  of  the  value  of  poetry,  and  exhibits 
his  straightforward  simplicity  of  mind.  He 
says ; “ During  a drinking  party  the  fol- 

lowing verse  was  repeated  : 

Whai  can  one  do  to  regulate  his  thoughts,  with  a mistress 
possessed  of  every  blandishment? 

Where  you  are,  how  is  it  possible  for  our  thoughts  to  wander 
to  another? 

“It  was  agreed  that  everyone  should  make 
an  extempore  couplet  to  the  same  rhyme, 
and  I said  : 

What  can  be  done  with  a drunken  sot  like  you? 

What  can  be  done  with  one  foolish  as  a she-ass? 

“ Before  this  I had  always  committed  my 
verse  to  writing.  Now,  when  I had  com- 
posed these  lines,  my  mind  led  me  to  reflec- 
6 


82 


The  Mogtil  Emperors 


tions,  and  my  heart  was  struck  with  regret 
that  a tongue  which  could  repeat  the  sublim- 
est  productions  should  bestow  any  trouble 
on  such  unworthy  verses  ; that  it  was  melan- 
choly that  a heart,  elevated  to  nobler  con- 
ceptions, should  submit  to  occupy  itself  with 
these  despicable  fancies.  From  this  time 
forward  I religiously  abstained  from  satir- 
ical or  vituperative  verses.  At  the  time  I 
had  not  considered  how  objectionable  the 
practice  was.”  Later  on,  we  find  him  trans- 
lating a religious  tract  into  verse.  “ I com- 
posed every  day,  on  an  average,  fifty-two 
couplets.” 

In  a winter’s  journey  to  Kabul  the  army 
was  deeply  distressed  by  snows  and  storms. 
Finally  they  halted  at  a cave.  Babar  dug 
for  himself  a hole  in  the  snow  “ as  deep  as 
my  breast  and  the  size  of  a prayer-carpet,” 
and  sat  down  in  it.  “ Some  desired  me  to 
go  into  the  cavern,  but  I would  not  go.  I 
felt  that  for  me  to  be  in  a warm  dwelling  and 
in  comfort,  while  my  men  were  in  the  midst 
of  snow  and  drift  ; for  me  to  be  enjoying 
sleep  and  ease,  while  they  were  in  distress  ; 


Zchir-ed-din  Muhammad  Babar  83 

would  be  a deviation  from  that  society  in 
suffering  which  was  their  due.  I continued, 
therefore,  to  sit  in  the  drift.” 

On  another  of  his  night  marches  against 
the  enemy,  he  ascended  a high  pass.  “Till 
this  time  I had  never  seen  the  star  Soheil — 
Canopus  (which  is,  indeed,  not  visible  in 
northern  latitudes),  but  on  reaching  the  top, 
Soheil  appeared  below,  bright,  to  the  south. 
I said,  ‘ This  cannot  be  Soheil.  ’ They 
answered,  ‘ It  is,  indeed,  Soheil.’  ” The 
descendant  of  Ulugh  Beg  came  justly  by 
his  knowledge  of  the  stars — even  of  the 
stars  which  he  had  never  seen.  How  many 
of  our  soldiers  of  to-day  would  recognize 
Canopus  if  they  saw  it  ? 

In  his  early  youth  Babar  was  shamefaced 
and  modest,  'and  for  a long  time  he  used 
no  wine.  In  later  years  he  caroused  with  a 
kind  of  fierce  regularity,  and  he  duly  chroni- 
cles each  of  his  drinking-bouts.  After  the 
battle  which  gave  him  India,  he  made,  as  he 
says,  “ an  effectual  repentance,”  which  was 
sincere.  He  broke  all  his  jewelled  golden 
drinking-cups  and  gave  them  to  dervishes 


84 


The  Mogtd  Emperors 


and  the  poor,  made  his  store  of  wine  into 
vinegar,  and  finally  issued  a proclamation  of 
his  change  of  life,  and  humbled  himself  before 
Allah. 

Let  us  see  how  a tyrant  dreams.  Once 
when  Babar  had  taken  a potion  of  bhang, 
he  fell  asleep  and  has  recorded  his  dream  : 
“ While  under  its  influence  I visited  some 
beautiful  gardens.  In  different  beds  the 
ground  was  covered  with  flowers.  On  the 
one  hand  were  beds  of  yellow  flowers  in 
bloom  ; on  the  other  hand,  red  flowers  were 
in  blossom.  In  many  places  they  sprung  up 
in  the  same  bed,  mingled  together,  as  if  they 
had  been  flung  and  scattered  abroad.  I took 
my  seat  on  a rising  ground  to  enjoy  the  view 
of  all  the  flower-plots.  As  far  as  the  eye 
could  reach,  there  were  flower-gardens  of  a 
similar  kind.”  Recollect  that  this  history 
was  written  years  after  the  dream.  And 
then  he  adds : “ In  the  neighborhood  of 
Peshawer,  during  the  spring,  the  flower-plots 
are  exquisitely  beautiful.”  Wherever  this 
stern  warrior  went,  he  planted  flower-gardens 
and  orchards  and  built  places  of  delight. 


Zehir-cd-din  Muhammad  Babar  , 85 

A little  distance  from  Kabul,  Babar  con- 
structed a small  cistern  of  red  granite  on  a 
site  overlooking  the  city,  and  engraved  on  its 
sides  these  verses  : 

Sweet  is  the  return  of  the  new  year ; 

Sweet  is  the  smiling  spring ; 

Sweet  is  the  juice  of  the  mellow  grape ; 

Sweeter  far  the  voice  of  love. 

Strive,  oh  Babar  / to  secure  the  joys  of  life. 

Which,  alas!  once  departed,  never  more  return. 

“I  directed  this  fountain  to  be  built 
around  with  stone.  On  the  four  sides  of 
the  fountain  a fine  platform  for  resting  was 
constructed  on  a very  neat  plan.  At  the 
time  when  the  Ai'ghwan  flowers  begin  to 
blow,  I do  not  know  that  any  place  in  the 
world  is  to  be  compared  with  it.” 

From  Kabul  he  made  several  incursions 
into  India,  which  were  mere  raids,  and  finally 
he  set  out  on  his  expedition  of  conquest, 
aided  by  the  disaffected  nobles  of  the  Penjab. 
There  is  no  space  to  relate  the  complex  wars 
and  negotiations,  nor  to  describe  the  final 
great  battle  which  gave  him  Agra,  the  capi- 
tal. His  armies  were  the  Turki  hordes  with 
Indian  allies  ; 


86  . The  Mogiil  Emperors 

— In  whose  stern  faces  shined  the  quenchless  fire 

That  after  burnt  the  pride  of  Asia. 

His  success  was  largely  clue  to  the  disci- 
pline which  he  was  one  of  the  first  to 
introduce.  The  men  were  armed  with  bows 
and  arrows,  spears,  cimeters,  and  maces,  and 
a few  matchlocks.  The  siege  artillery  of 
that  day  was  clumsy  and  ponderous. 
“ While  the  bridge  of  the  Ganges  was  con- 
structing, Ustad  Ali  Kuli  played  his  gun 
remarkably  well.  The  first  day  he  dis- 
charged it  eight  times  ; the  second,  sixteen 
times  ; and  for  three  or  four  days  he  contin- 
ued firing  in  the  same  way.  It  was  called 
the  Victorious  Gun,  and  Ustad  Khan  was 
rewarded  for  his  success.” 

After  the  capture  of  Agra,  in  i526,  the 
treasure  was  distributed.  Humayun,  Babar’s 
eldest  son  and  successor,  obtained  eighty- 
seven  thousand  dollars,  besides  a palace. 
His  other  sons  and  the  emirs  received  all 
the  way  from  twenty  thousand  to  seventy- 
five  hundred  dollars.  “ Every  merchant, 
every  man  of  letters,  everyone  in  the 
army,  all  my  relatives  and  friends,  great  and 


Zchir-ed-din  Muhammad  Bahar  87 

small,  had  presents  in  silver  and  gold,  in 
cloth,  in  jewels,'  and  in  captive  slaves.” 
Every  man,  woman,  and  child,  slave  or  free, 
in  the  country  of  Kabul,  received  a silver 
coin  of  the  value  of  an  English  shillino-. 
Babar’s  lavishness  became  a proverb. 

At  the  same  time  the  famous  diamond  was 
captured.  “It  is  so  valuable,”  says  Babar, 
“ that  it  is  valued  at  half  the  daily  expense 
of  the  whole  world.”  * 

Babar  was  thus  settled  on  the  throne  of 
India,  and  had  become  the  founder  of  an 
empire.  Let  us  see  what  -the  conqueror 
thought  of  his  conquest. 

“ Hindustan  is  a country  that  has  few 
pleasures  to  recommend  it.  The  people  are 
not  handsome.  They  have  no  idea  of  friendly 
society.  They  have  no  genius,  no  compre- 
hension of  mind,  no  politeness  of  manner, 
no  kindness  or  fellow-feeling,  no  ingenuity  or 
mechanical  invention  in  planning  or  executing 
their  handicraft  works  ; no  skill  or  knowledge 


* This  may  have  been  the  stone,  The  Ocean  of  Lustre,  now  in 
the  treasury  of  the  Shah  of  Persia.  It  was  not  the  Kohimir,  accord- 
ing to  the  latest  authorities. 


88 


The  Mo^ul  Emperors 


in  design  or  architecture  ; they  have  no  good 
horses,  no  good  flesh,  no  grapes  or  musk- 
melons,  no  ice  or  cold  water,  no  good  food 
or  bread,  no  (public)  baths  or  colleges,  no 
candles,  no  torches,  not  a candle-stick  even.” 
“ The  chief  excellency  of  Hindustan  is  that  it 
is  a large  country,  and  has  abundance  of  gold 
and  silver,”  and  many  skilled  artisans.  In 
Agra  alone,  he  daily  employed  680  mechan- 
ics, and  he  kept  1491  stone-masons  busy  with 
his  various  buildings.  In  another  place  he 
says:  “ The  people  of  Hindustan,  and  particu- 
larly the  Afghans,  are  a strangely  foolish  and 
senseless  race,  possessed  of  little  reflection 
and  less  foresight.  They  can  neither  persist 
in  and  manfully  support  a war,  nor  can  they 
continue  in  amity  and  friendship.” 

H is  life  had  been  one  of  incessant  activity 
and  strife  up  to  this  time.  “ From  the 
eleventh  year  of  my  age  onward  I have 
never  spent  two  festivals  of  the  Ramazan  in 
the  same  place.”  When  he  was  fourteen 
years  of  age  he  was  present  at  a siege,  and 
complains : “ For  two  months  there  was 

nothing  but  siege  operations,  and  no  fine 


Zehir-ed-dm  Muhammad  Babar  89 

fighting.”  All  his  active  life  he  spent  in  fine 
fighting  or  in  marching  to  the  fray. 

“ This  day  I swam  across  the  River  Ganges 
for  amusement.  I had  previously  crossed, 
by  swimming,  every  river  that  I had  met 
with,  the  Ganges  alone  excepted.” 

In  India  he  had  to  contend  with  secret 
enemies,  as  well  as  with  armies  in  the 
field. 

In  Agra,  Babar  was  poisoned  through  the 
treachery  of  his  cooks  and  the  carelessness  of 
the  taster.  “ The  taster  was  ordered  to  be 
cut  to  pieces.  I commanded  the  cook  to 
be  flayed  alive.  One  of  the  women  was 
trampled  to  death  by  an  elephant,  the  other 
was  shot  by  a matchlock.”  Babar  recovered. 
“ Thanks  be  to  Allah  ! I did  not  fully  compre- 
hend before  that  life  was  so  sweet  a thing. 
The  poet  says  : 

Whoever  comes  to  the  gates  of  Death, 

Knows  the  value  of  Life. 

Whenever  these  awful  occurrences  pass  before 
my  memory,  I feel  myself  involuntarily  turn 
faint.  The  mercy  of  Allah  has  bestowed  a 


90 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


new  life  upon  me,  and  how  can  my  tongue 
express  my  gratitude  ? ” 

By  a singular  good  fortune,  we  have  two 
of  Babar’s  letters.  One  is  written  to  his  sons 
in  warning  and  reproof.  The  other  is  to 
an  old  and  trusted  friend  in  Kabul.  The 
first  letter  shows  that  he  was  disappointed 
and  hurt  by  the  conduct  of  his  children  ; and 
the  last  is  an  outpouring  of  the  griefs  of  his 
inmost  heart  to  his  friend.  He  says  : “ My 
solicitude  to  visit  my  western  dominions 
(Kabul)  is  boundless  and  great  beyond 
expression.  I trust  in  Almighty  Allah  that 
the  time  is  near  at  hand  when  everything 
will  be  completely  settled  in  this  country. 
As  soon  as  matters  are  brought  to  that  state, 
I shall,  with  the  permission  of  Allah,  set  out 
for  your  quarters  without  a moment’s  delay. 
How  is  it  possible  that  the  delights  of  those 
lands  should  ever  be  erased  from  the  heart  ? 
How  is  it  possible  to  forget  the  delicious 
melons  and  grapes  of  that  pleasant  region  ? 
They  very  recently  brought  me  a single 
musk-melon  from  Kabul.  While  cutting  it 

o 

up,  I felt  myself  affected  with  a strong 


Zchir-cd-din  Muhamniad  Babar  91 

feeling  of  loneliness  and  a sense  of  my  exile 
from  my  native  country,  and  I could  not  help 
shedding  tears.”  He  gives  long  instructions 
on  the  military  and  political  matters  to  be 
attended  to,  and  continues  without  a break  : 
“ At  the  southwest  of  Besteh,  I formed  a 
plantation  of  trees  ; and  as  the  prospect  from 
it  was  very  fine,  I called  it  Nazergah  (the 
view).  You  must  there  also  plant  some 
beautiful  trees,  and  all  around  sow  beautiful 
and  sweet-smelling  flowers  and  shrubs.”  And 
he  goes  straight  on  : “ Syed  Kasim  will 

accompany  the  artillery.”  After  more 
details  of  the  government,  he  quotes  fondly 
a little,  trivial  incident  of  former  days  and 
friends,  and  says  : “ Do  not  think  amiss  of 
me  for  deviating  into  these  fooleries.”  “ I 
conclude  with  every  good  wish.” 

Towards  the  end  of  1529  Babar’s  health 
failed  rapidly,  and  his  son  Humayun  also 
fell  ill.  The  latter  was  conveyed  to  Agra 
and  tenderly  cared  for,  but  his  life  was 
despaired  of.  One  of  Babar’s  high  officers, 
distinguished  for  his  piety,  said  to  Babar 
that  Almighty  Allah  might  vouchsafe  to 


92 


The  Mogtil  Emperors 


spare  Humayun’s  life  in  return  for  the  sac- 
rifice of  Babar’s  most  precious  possession, 
and  suggested  that  the  great  diamond  cap- 
tured at  Agra  be  the  offering,  “ No,”  said 
Babar,  “ my  own  life  is  the  most  precious 
of  my  possessions,  and  I devote  it  to  this 
end.”  He  three  times  walked  about  the 
dying  prince  and  retired  to  pray.  Returning 
he  exclaimed,  “ I have  borne  it  away  ; ” and 
in  fact,  from  that  time  Babar  declined  and 
his  beloved  son  waxed  stronger.  With  his 
unvarying  affection  for  his  family,  he  be- 
sought Humayun  to  be  kind  and  forgiving 
to  his  brothers,  and,  what  is  rare  in  such 
cases,  the  admonition  was  faithfully  respected 
during  many  trying  years.  In  a short  time 
Death,  the  sunderer  of  societies,  the  garnerer 
of  graveyards,  the  plunderer  of  palaces,  bore 
him  away  to  the  mercy  of  Allah,  the  com- 
passionating, the  compassionate,  and  his  son 
reio;ned  in  his  stead. 

“ The  grave  of  Babar  is  marked  by  two 
erect  slabs  of  white  marble,  and,  as  is  common 
in  the  East,  the  different  letters  of  a part  of 
the  inscription  indicate  the  number  of  the 


Zehir-cd-din  Muhammad  Babar  93 

year  of  the  Hegira  in  which  the  Emperor 
died.  The  device,  in  the  present  instance, 
seems  to  me  happy : 

When  in  heaven  Roozvan  asked  the  date  of  his  death, 

I told  him  that  heaven  is  the  eternal  abode  of  Babar  Padishah. 

“ Near  the  Emperor  his  wives  and  chil- 
dren have  been  interred,  and  the  garden, 
which  is  small,  was  once  surrounded  by  a 
wall  of  marble.  A running  and  clear  spring 
yet  waters  the  fragrant  flowers  of  this  ceme- 
tery, which  is  the  great  holiday  resort  of  the 
people  of  Kabul.  In  front  of  the  grave  there 
is  a small  but  chaste  mosque  of  marble,  and 
an  inscription  upon  it  sets  forth  that  it  was 
built  in  the  year  1640,  by  order  of  the  Em- 
peror Shah  Jahan,  that  poor  Muhammadans 
might  here  offer  up  their  prayers.”  * 

From  the  hill  which  overlooks  Babar’s 
tomb  there  is  a noble  prospect,  and  the 
gardens  of  the  city  are  in  full  blossom 
beneath  it.  In  Babar’s  own  words,  “the 
verdure  and  flowers  render  Kabul,  in  the 
spring,  a very  heaven.” 


Burnes’  1 ravels  into  Bokhara,  quoted  by  Erskine. 


94 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


Babar  has  portrayed  his  own  character  in 
words  which  every  generous  heart  will 
understand.  He  was  a gentleman  and  a 
soldier — throughbred.  He  had  prudence, 

knowledge,  energy,  ambition,  and  generosity, 
and  “ all  the  qualities  from  which  nobility 
derives  its  name.”  “ Exaltation  was  written 
on  his  forehead.”  Mr.  Erskine,  the  trans- 
lator of  his  Memoirs,  has  summed  it  up 
judiciously  : “ A striking  feature  in  Babar’s 
character  is  his  unlikeness  to  other  Asiatic 
princes.  Instead  of  the  stately,  systematic, 
artificial  character  that  seems  to  belong  to 
the  throne  in  Asia,  we  find  him  natural, 
lively,  affectionate,  simple,  retaining  on  the 
throne  all  the  best  feelings  and  affections  of 
common  life.  We  shall  find  few  princes  who 
are  entitled  to  rank  higher  than  Babar  in 

o 

genius  and  accomplishment.  His  grandson 
Akbar  may  perhaps  be  placed  above  him 
for  profound  and  benevolent  policy.  The 
crooked  artifice  of  Aurangzeb  is  not  enti- 
tled to  the  same  distinction.  The  merit  of 
Chengiz-Khan  and  of  Tamerlane  terminates 
in  their  splendid  conquests,  which  far  excelled 


Zchir-ed-din  Muhammad  Babar  95 

the  achievements  of  Babar.  But  in  activity 
of  mind,  in  the  gay  equanimity  and  unbroken 
spirit  with  which  he  bore  the  extremes  of 
good  and  bad  fortune,  in  the  possession  of 
the  manly  and  social  virtues,  so  seldom  the 
portion  of  princes,  in  his  love  of  letters,  and 
his  success  in  the  cultivation  of  them,  we 
shall  find  no  other  Asiatic  prince  who  can 
justly  be  placed  beside  him.” 

Two  sayings  of  Babar’s,  placed  side  by 
side,  give  the  key  to  all  his  public  actions. 
“ Inspired  as  I was  with  an  ambition  for 
conquest  and  for  extensive  dominion,  I would 
not,  on  account  of  one  or  two  defeats,  sit 
down  and  look  idly  around  me ; ” and  again, 
“ How  can  any  man  of  understanding  pursue 
such  a line  of  conduct  as,  after  his  death, 
must  stain  his  fair  fame  ? The  wise  have 
well  called  Fame  a second  existence.” 

The  circumstances  of  Oriental  and  of 
Western  life  are  totally  dissimilar.  “ Between 
us  and  them  crawls  the  nine-times-twisted 
stream  of  Death.”  If  we  can  make  the 
needed  allowances  for  these  differences  of 
time  and  circumstance,  Babar  will  appear  not 


g6 


The  Mog^il  Emperors 


unworthy  to  be  classed  with  the  great  Caesar 
as  a general,  as  an  administrator,  as  a man  of 
letters.  His  character  is  more  lovable  than 
Caesar’s,  and  reminds  us  of  Henry  IV  of 
France  and  Navarre.  Fie  conquered  India 
and  founded  a mighty  empire.  Take  him 
for  all  in  all,  he  was  the  most  admirable  of 
the  Mos^ul  kinors. 

o o 


THE  TOMB  OF  HUMAYUN 


Humayun,  Eviperor  of  Hindustan  97 


CHAPTER  III 

HUMAYUN,  EMPEROR  OF  HINDUSTAN  (a.  D. 

1530-1556) THE  ADVENTURES  OF  POUR 

BROTPIERS 

“ When  Fortune^ s adverse,  minds  are  perverse F — Persian 
SAYING. 

The  intelligent  Bernier,  in  his  recital  of 
the  events  of  a later  reign,  explains  in  a 
sentence  the  fatal  defect  in  the  policy  of 
the  Mogul  Empire.  “ I desire,”  he  says, 
“ that  reflection  be  made  on  the  unhappy 
custom  of  this  state,  which,  leaving  the  pos- 
session of  the  crown  undecided,  exposeth  it 
to  the  conquest  of  the  strongest.”  At  the 
death  of  every  emperor  a struggle  took  place 
between  the  adherents  of  his  various  sons, 
or  even  grandsons  or  nephews.  The  strong- 
est won ; and  then  proceeded  to  assure  a 
lasting  peace  by  doing  away  with  his  rivals. 
They  were  either  put  to  death  at  once, 
or  their  eyes  were  blinded,  or  they  were 


98 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


imprisoned  in  the  hill-fort  of  Gwalior,  or 
stupefied  with  opium,  or  they  fled  into  Persia, 
or  they  were  forced  to  make  the  pilgrimage 
to  Mecca.  If  the  new  emperor  ^yas  not 
strong  or  cruel  enough  to  impose  the  severer 
punishments,  his  rivals  were  sent  to  govern 
distant  portions  of  the  realm,  whence  they 
often  returned  to  vex  his  power.  What 
may  be  called  the  most  “ prosperous  ” reigns 
in  India,  have  been  those  in  which  there 
were  the  fewest  living’  heirs  to  the  throne. 
The  later  Moguls  understood  this  well,  and 
were  cruel  or  crafty  enough  to  carry  out  the 
safe  policy  to  its  extreme. 

In  Humayun,  we  have  an  example  of  a 
Mogul  prince  whose  whole  life  was  spent  in 
agitation  or  in  exile,  because  he  was  too 
affectionate,  too  filial,  and  too  kind  to  go 
to  such  extremities.  His  blood  was  Turki, 
and  not  yet  Hindu. 

Babar,  the  father  of  Humayun,  fulfilled 
the  highest  Turki  ideal  ; he  had,  as  we 
have  seen,  “ prudence,  knowledge,  energy, 
ambition,  and  generosity — qualities  from 
which  nobility  draws  its  name.” 


Humaytm,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  99 

A short  while  before  his  death,  Babar 
called  for  his  son  and  heir  (Humayun),  and 
charged  him  that  if  Allah  should  grant  him 
the  throne  and  crown,  he  should  not  put 
his  brothers  to  death,  but  deal  kindly  with 
them.  Humayun  promised  obedience,  and 
notwithstanding  that  his  brothers  (Kamran, 
Hindal,  Mirza-Askari)  were  continually 
opposed  to  him,  and  often  in  open  war,  he 
forgot  their  hostile  proceedings  as  soon  as 
he  had  vanquished  them,  for  many  years, 
and  on  many  separate  occasions. 

His  kindness  was  the  source  of  all  his 
woes ; and,  like  many  a quality  which  is 
amiable  in  a private  person,  was  well-nigh 
fatal  to  the  state.  It  was  not  until  his 
brothers  w’ere  removed  by  war  or  otherwise, 
towards  the  last  of  his  reign,  that  the  Empire 
had  any  sort  of  peace.  The  Hindus  man- 
aged such  things  better ; as  in  the  example 
thus  related  by  an  ancient  historian  : 

“ In  the  time  of  Sultan  Mahmud,  a Hindu 
rajah  asked  his  aid  against  an  enemy  who 
aspired  to  the  same  sovereignty.  He  ex- 
plained the  situation  to  the  Sultan  thus : 


lOO  The  Mogul  Emperors 

‘ In  my  religion  the  killing  of  kings  is 
unlawful ; but  the  custom  is,  that  when  one 
king  gets  another  into  his  power,  he  makes 
a siPiall  and  dark  room  underneath  his  own 
throne,  and,  having  put  his  enemy  into  it, 
he  leaves  a hole  open.  Every  day  he  sends 
a tray  of  food  into  that  room,  until  one  or 
the  other  of  the  kings  dies.’  ” 

Humayun  succeeded  to  the  throne  in  a.d. 
1530.  His  brother  Kamran  was  then  gov- 
ernor of  Kabul,  the  capital  from  whence 
Babar  had  set  out  for  his  conquest  of  India. 
It  was  clearly  Babar’s  intention  that  the 
empire  should  not  be  divided,  and  that 
Kabul  should  remain  subject  to  Hindustan. 
The  armies  of  the  emperor  were  recruited 
mainly  from  the  Turki,  Mogul,  and  Afghan 
tribes  of  this  neighborhood,  and  while  there 
were  vast  numbers  of  Hindu  auxiliaries, 
the  latter  were  even  less  faithful  than  the 
Moguls.  The  officers  of  the  army,  espe- 
cially, had  to  be  drawn  from  Persia  and 
the  countries  outside  of  India.  Humayun 
yielded  to  Kamran  the  kingdom  of  Kabul, 
and  added  to  it  the  countries  bordering  on 


Humayun,  Emperor  of  Hmdustan  loi 

the  Indus,  and  the  Panjab.  Prince  Hindal 
was  made  governor  of  Sambal,  and  Mirza- 
Askari  of  Mewat.  Humayun  was  emperor 
of  Hindustan,  but  had  not  retained  the 
sources  of  the  military  power  by  which  alone 
it  could  be  firmly  held.  The  army  still 
remained,  but  there  were  no  sure  means 
of  increasing,  or  even  of  maintaining,  its 
fiofhtinof  strength. 

The  emperor’s  wars  began  with  the  inva- 
sion of  Guzerat  and  the  suppression  of  rebel- 
lions elsewhere.  The  siege  of  one  of  the  hill- 
forts  was  the  occasion  of  two  incidents,  each 
highly  characteristic  of  Humayun.  The  first 
stages  of  the  siege  had  been  very  unsuccess- 
ful. All  the  practicable  approaches  to  the 
fort  were  closely  guarded.  An  almost  verti- 
cal precipice  bounded  one  side  of  the  plateau 
on  which  the  fort  was  built,  and  Humayun 
determined  to  attack  it  by  night  on  this  side. 
Accordingly  steel  spikes  were  prepared  and 
driven  right  and  left,  one  by  one,  into  the 
face  of  the  cliff,  in  the  form  of  a ladder.  The 
emperor  himself  accompanied  a party  of 
three  hundred  men  to  the  perilous  attack, 


102  The  Mogul  Emperors 

which  was  successful.  Humayun  was  the 
forty-first  in  order  to  ascend. 

It  was  known  that  the  castle  contained 
much  treasure,  but  a strict  search  failed 
to  find  it.  In  this  juncture  Humayun’s 
officers  advised  that  the  prisoners  be  tor- 
tured till  they  confessed.  The  emperor’s 
counsel  was  to  treat  them  with  kindness, 
rather,  and  this  was  followed.  The  water 
was  drawn  off  from  a vast  cistern,  and 
the  treasure  found  in  a chamber  beneath  it, 
according  to  information  given  by  one  of  the 
prisoners  to  his  generous  captor. 

Humayun’s  great  personal  bravery  and  his 
humanity  are  well  exhibited  In  these  two 
incidents. 

Mirza-Askari,  his  youngest  brother,  who 
was  left  in  charge  of  these  first  conquests, 
soon  began  to  show  his  want  of  subordina- 
tion. At  a convivial  party  he  took  too  much 
wine,  and  began  to  boast  that  he,  too,  was  “ a 
king  and  the  shadow  of  Allah.”  Just  at  this 
time  the  war  with  Sher-Shah,  the  Afghan 
ruler  of  Berar,  began  to  be  serious.  The 
province  of  Bengal  was  overrun  by  Sher- 


Humayun,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  103 

Shah’s  forces,  and  Humayun  was  committed 
to  a campaign  in  the  rainy  season.  The  sol- 
diers deserted  when  they  could,  and  Prince 
Hindal  marched  off  his  whole  army  without 
permission.  Prince  Kaniran  set  out  with  a 
large  force  from  Kabul,  professedly  to  sup- 
port the  emperor,  but  in  reality  to  seize  the 
throne  if  he  could  do  so. 

Humayun  was  forced  to  retreat  towards 
Agra,  and  to  fight  a battle  with  Sher-Shah 
in  which  he  was  disastrously  defeated  (a.d. 
1539).  His  queen  was  captured,  and  his 
army  totally  dispersed.  The  three  brothers 
met  at  Agra  and  were  reconciled,  and  a plan 
of  defence  was  concerted.  It  is  no  part  of 
my  intention  to  recite  the  events  of  the  next 
campaign  (1540),  which  ended  in  the  com- 
plete success  of  Sher-Shah  (who  became 
emperor  of  India)  ; in  the  capture  of  Delhi 
and  Agra ; and  in  the  flight  of  the  emperor 
and  princes  to  Lahore. 

At  Lahore  another  council  was  held.  “It 
was  abundantly  manifest  to  the  emperor,” 
says  one  of  the  native  historians,  “ that  there 
was  no  possibility  of  bringing  his  brothers 


104 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


and  his  emirs  to  any  agreement,  and  he  was 
very  despondent.” 

Prince  Hindal  marched  away  in  one  direc- 
tion ; Prince  Kamran  “ proved  faithless,”  and 
set  off  for  Kabul.  “ His  brothers  then  began 
to  shoot  the  arrows  of  discord  at  the  target 
of  sovereignty,”  as  the  native  chronicler  has 
it.  Humayun  now  cast  about  for  a place  to 
set  up  what  remained  of  his  state.  Sind,  the 
province  just  south  of  Kabul,  had  been  part 
of  Timur’s  conquests,  and  whatever  Timur 
had  overrun  belonged  to  any  of  his  descend- 
ants who  could  take  and  keep  it ; so  the 
emperor  set  out  for  Sind  with  the  remnants 
of  his  army.  On  his  way  he  stopped  at  the 
camp  of  Prince  Hindal,  where  he  became  vio- 
lently and  suddenly  enamoured  of  the  young 
daughter  of  Hindal’s  instructor,  Sheikh  Ali 
Akbar  Jami.  She  was  but  fourteen  years 
old,  and  had  been  promised  in  marriage, 
though  not  yet  betrothed.  The  emperor 
decided  to  marry  her  at  once.  Though  she 
was  not  of  suitable  rank,  her  father  was 
a seiyad,  a descendant  of  the  Prophet 
Muhammad,  and  the  family  was  distin- 


Htimayun,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  105 

guished  for  learning  and  piety.  The  mar- 
riage took  place  the  next  day. 

But  Prince  Hindal’s  camp  was  no  place  for 
the  head  of  the  state. 

“ Ten  dervishes  can  sleep  07i  one  riLg,  but 
the  sa?ne  climate  of  the  earth  cannot  contain 
two  kings!' 

Accordingly  Humayun  plunged  into  the 
deserts  of  Sind,  relying  on  the  promises  of 
one  of  his  vassals  there,  which  were  not 
redeemed.  During  this  desert  march  the 
party  was  reduced  to  the  greatest  straits, 
living  on  berries,  lacking  water,  and  harassed 
by  enemies.  At  the  solitary  castle  of  Amerkot, 
in  the  midst  of  the  desert,  the  empress  gave 
birth  to  her  son  Akbar  (October  15,  1542). 

The  emperor  was  encamped  some  miles 
distant  when  the  news  was  brought  to  him. 
He  had  no  rich  presents  to  give  to  the  mes- 
senger and  to  his  little  party,  as  was  custom- 
ary. He  opened  a single  pod  of  musk,  and 
distributed  the  contents  among  his  faithful 
adherents.  The  child  was  named  Jalalu-d- 
din  Muhammad  Akbar — king  of  kings — and 
like  the  odor  of  the  musk  his  fame  spread 


io6  The  Mogul  Emperors 

throughout  the  habitable  world,  according  to 
the  loyal  wishes  of  the  little  band  of  the 
emperor’s  followers. 

Kandahar  was  held  by  Mirza-Askari  as 
a dependent  of  Prince  Kamran.  It  was 
now  Humayun’s  intention  to  win  Askari  to 
his  cause,  and  to  find  an  asylum  there. 
When  he  was  some  one  hundred  and  thirty 
miles  from  the  city,  intelligence  came  that  his 
brother  the  Mirza  was  marching;  against  him 
with  hostile  intent,  and  that  he  must  fly  for 
safety.  This  he  did  in  such  haste  that  the 
infant  Akbar  had  to  be  left  in  the  camp  with 
most  of  the  party.  Humayun,  with  the 
queen  and  a band  of  only  forty  others,  fled 
to  Persia.  Akbar  and  those  who  were  left 
behind  were  well  treated  by  the  Mirza,  and 
removed  to  Kandahar,  and  the  child  was 
sent  to  Kabul.  As  Mirza-Askari  and  his 
troops  were  returning  with  the  young  Akbar, 
one  of  the  emperor’s  faithful  adherents 
plotted  to  steal  the  child  from  its  captors  and 
to  return  him  to  his  parents.  The  project 
was  discussed  with  the  guards,  and  it  was 
decided  that  Humayun  must  have  had  good 


Hiunayzin,  Emperor  of  Hindtistan  107 
reasons  for  leavino-  his  infant  son  in  his 

o 

brother’s  hands,  and  that  it  would  not  be 
right  either  for  the  guards  to  give  him  up, 
or  for  the  emperor’s  immediate  followers  to 
interfere  with  plans  not  fully  understood. 
Upon  this  the  warrior  approached  Akbar’s 
litter,  and  received  from  the  chief  in  charge 
of  the  escort  a little  fillet,  or  ribbon,  from  the 
child’s  turban.  And  with  this  pledge  from 
one  grim  warrior  to  another,  he  set  out  to 
join  the  fortunes  of  the  flying  emperor,  and 
to  bring  him  the  last  news  of  the  young 
prince.  These  are  not  the  savage  manners 
of  barbarians. 

For  three  years  the  emperor  had  been  in 
Sind,  exposed  to  every  hardship.  He  now 
set  out  for  Persia  to  ask  the  help  of  Shah 
Tahmasp,  the  hereditary  friend  of  his  family. 
His  reception  was  on  a grand  scale,  and  all 
kinds  of  promises  were  made  on  both  sides. 
Humayun  agreed  to  restore  Kandahar  to 
Persia,  and  was  obliged  to  conform  to  the 
observances  of  the  Shia*  sect  of  Muhamma- 

* His  great  ancestor  Timur  was  a Shia;  though  I do  not  find 
that  this  argument  was  used  to  change  his  beliefs. 


io8  The  Mogzil  Emperors 

dans  in  return  for  the  assistance  of  a well- 
equipped  army  of  twelve  thousand  Persian 
troops. 

On  the  envelope  of  the  letter  which 
Humayun  despatched  to  the  Shah,  he 
wrote  these  verses : 

Much  hath  this  aching  head  endured  among  the  waters, 

Much  among  the  rocks  and  mountains. 

And  mtich  amotig  the  sands  of  the  desert ; 

But  all  {these  sorrows  now)  are  past. 


Many  more  sorrows  still  remained  to  him, 
however,  before  his  fortunes  were  retrieved. 

His  was  a life  of  constant  vicissitude  ; 

In  the  morning  he  dwelt  in  a hoiise  like  Paradise  or  Heaven, 

In  the  evening  he  had  no  longer  a dwelling. 

As  if  he  had  been  honteless. 

Prince  Kamran  was  reigning  in  Kabul. 
Kandahar  had  been  in  his  possession  ; had 
been  captured  from  him  by  his  brother 
Prince  Hindal ; had  been  recaptured  ; and 
was  now  held  by  Mirza-Askari.  The  fourth 
brother  was  marchinor  against  it  at  the  head 
of  a foreign  army.  The  city  was  taken  after 
a siege.  Askari  was  pardoned,  but  he 


Humayun,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  109 

escaped,  was  recaptured,  and  imprisoned, 
and  Kandahar  was  delivered  over  to  the 
Persians. 

As  the  winter  came  on,  Humayun’s  troops 
needed  shelter,  and  as  the  Persian  prince  in 
command  opportunely  died,  the  emperor  re- 
captured Kandahar,  from  the  Persians  this 
time,  and  made  it  his  headquarters.  He 
at  once  made  a winter’s  march  to  Kabul. 
Prince  Hindal  joined  the  successful  army, 
and  Prince  Kamran  abandoned  his  capital 
and  fled ; all  his  forces  coming  over  to  the 
emperor.  The  young  Prince  Akbar  (now 
about  three  years  old)  was  restored  to  his 
father.  After  a few  months  Humayun  set 
out  on  an  expedition  against  Badakshan 
(another  one  of  Timur’s  conquests)  ; there- 
upon Kamran  returned  and  again  captured 
Kabul  and  the  young  Akbar  with  it.  The 
forces  of  Humayun  and  Hindal  immediately 
returned  and  closely  invested  the  city.  The 
native  writers  say  : “ Kamran,  with  dastardly 
feeling,  ordered  that  the  prince  Akbar  should 
be  exposed  upon  the  battlements  where  the 
balls  and  shot  of  the  guns  and  muskets  fell 


I lO 


The  Mogiil  Emperors 


thickest.  But  Allah  Almighty  preserved 
him.”  Kamran  was  obliged  to  fly  once 
more,  and  Badakshan  now  fell  into  his  hands, 
but  was  recaptured  by  the  emperor  in  1548. 
On  this  occasion  Kamran  became  the  pris- 
oner of  Humayun  and  Hindal. 

“ The  emperor  displayed  the  greatest 
kindness  to  Kamran,  who  again  received  the 
emblems  of  sovereignty.”  Mirza-Askari  was 
set  at  liberty  at  this  time,  and  the  four 
brothers  ate  bread  and  salt  toorether  in  siorn 

o o 

of  amity.  In  a few  months,  however,  Kam- 
ran and  Askari  again  rebelled,  and  Kabul  was 
again  taken  by  them,  and  the  prince  Akbar 
(a  precious  hostage)  again  fell  into  their 
hands.  Once  more  the  emperor  attacked 
Kabul,  and  once  more  Kamran  was  obliged 
to  fly. 

These  successive  raids,  sieges,  captures, 
flights,  read  like  the  annals  of  a band  of  Sioux. 
They  represent  to  the  life  the  history  of  the 
Moguls  before  they  were  permanently  estab- 
lished in  India.  Such  “ history  ” is  intoler- 
ably monotonous  and  dull,  and  we  are  apt  to 
dismiss  it  with  the  thout^ht  that  all  this  was 

o 


Hionayun,  Emperor  of  HindtLsta7i  in 

four  centuries  ago,  among  barbarous  tribes  of 
Turkistan.  But  the  wars  in  Europe  at  the 
same  epoch,  were  they  materially  different  ? 
We  forget  that  modern  war  began  with 
Napoleon’s  campaigns.  And  as  to  the  bar- 
barous tribes — do  we  not  find  almost  exact 
parallels  in  the  cruel  revolutions  in  South 
American  States  even  to-day?  In  Chile? 
In  the  Arejentine  ? In  Brazil  ? In  Hondu- 
ras  ? There  are  no  prisoners  taken.  The 
corpses  of  the  dead  are  terribly  mutilated. 
The  captured  cities  are  looted,  and  their 
inhabitants  inhumanly  outraged. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  Humayun 
wrote  to  Kamran  to  beg  him  to  put  an 
end  to  their  eternal  wars.  “ Oh,  my  unkind 
brother,”  he  says,  “ what  are  you  doing  ? 
For  every  murder  that  is  committed  on  either 
side,  you  will  have  to  answer  at  the  day  of 
judgment.  Come  and  make  peace,  that  man- 
kind may  be  no  more  oppressed  by  our  quar- 
rels.” 

Kamran’s  answer  was  the  verse  : 


He  who  would  obtain  sovereignty  for  his  bride. 
Must  woo  her  across  the  edge  of  the  sharp  sword. 


1 12  The  Mogul  Emperors 

And  the  wars  went  on.  Breaking  Into 
rebellion  and  ravaging  provinces  “ was  an  old 
failing  in  the  family  of  the  Emir  Timur,” 
says  one  of  the  native  historians. 

Hindal  was  sent  to  capture  Kamran,  and 
could  have  done  so,  but  furthered  his  escape, 
and  shortly  afterwards  was  himself  killed  in 
a battle  against  the  Afghans  under  Kam- 
ran’s  command.  Mirza-Askari  was  ordered 
into  banishment,  and  afterwards  made  the 
pilgrimage  to  Mecca,  and  died  (1558)  when 
just  beyond  Damascus. 

It  was  obvious  that  no  terms  could  be 
made  with  Prince  Kamran.  He  was  finally 
captured,  deprived  of  sight,  and  he  also  made 
the  pilgrimage  and  afterwards  died  at  Mecca, 

(1557). 

Prince  Kamran  was  of  a sullen  and  cruel 
nature,  though  bold  and  enterprising.  He 
inspired  no  permanent  attachment  in  his 
officers,  or  apparently  in  any  one,  save  his 
unfortunate  wife,  who  followed  him  into 
exile.  “You  gave  me  to  my  husband,”  said 
she  to  her  father,  “when  he  was  a king  and 
happy,  and  would  take  me  from  him  now 


Humayun,  Eviperor  of  Hindustan  1 1 3 

that  he  is  fallen  and  blind  and  miserable  ; 
no,  I will  attend  him  faithfully  wherever  he 
goes.” 

At  the  siege  of  Kabul  he  murdered  the 
three  young  children  of  one  of  Humayun’s 
officers,  and  threw  their  mangled  bodies 
over  the  walls  to  the  besiegers.  He  gave 
the  wife  of  the  same  nobleman  to  the  rabble 
in  the  bazaar  to  be  dishonored.  These  acts 
were  not  only  atrocious  in  themselves,  but 
they  were  totally  contrary  to  the  customs  of 
war. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  emperor  loved 
him  and  all  his  brothers  with  a sincere  affec- 
tion in  spite  of  treacheries  beyond  count. 

When  Kamran  presented  himself  before 
the  throne  to  make  his  submission  (one  of 
his  submissions),  he  approached  humbly  with 
a whip  hung  around  his  neck.  “Alas  ! alas  !” 
said  the  emperor,  “ there  is  no  need  of  this  ; 
throw  it  away.” 

As  soon  as  the  ceremony  of  prostration 

was  over,  the  emperor  exclaimed  : “ What  is 

past  is  past.  Thus  far  we  have  conformed 

to  ceremony.  Let  us  now  meet  as  brothers  ; ” 
8 


1 14  The  Mogul  Emperors 

and  embracing  him  with  tears,  the  emperor 
made  him  sit  by  his  side  in  the  place  of 
honor.  And  then,  in  a moment,  addressing 
him  in  Turki  (as  it  were  the  private  speech 
for  two  descendants  of  Timur),  he  said,  “ Sit 
close  to  me,”  as  if  they  had  been  little  boys 
once  more. 

When  Prince  Hindal  was  slain  by  the 
Afghans  under  Kamran,  the  emperor’s  camp 
was  on  a hill  above  Hindal’s.  After  the  fight 
was  over,  Humayun  asked  for  his  brother, 
but  “ no  one  had  the  courage  to  tell  him  ” 
that  he  had  been  killed.  The  emperor 
stood  on  the  little  hill  in  the  darkness, 
and  called  aloud  for  Hindal,  and  sent  two 
different  messengers  to  find  him.  When  he 
at  last  learned  his  brother’s  fate,  he  was 
overwhelmed  with  grief,  and  shut  himself  up 
in  his  tent.  One  of  the  high  nobles  found 
the  emperor  in  tears,  and  asked  the  cause. 
“ Have  you  not  heard  of  the  martyrdom  of 
Mirza  Hindal?”  The  chief  had  the  bold- 
ness and  good  sense  to  reply  : “You  lament 
your  own  gain  ; you  have  one  enemy  the 
less  ” — which  was  true  indeed. 


Humayun,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  1 1 5 

The  last  rebellion  of  Prince  Kamran,  and 
his  atrocious  conduct  at  the  siege  of  Kabul, 
had  made  it  clear  that  he  deserved  no  mercy, 
and  that  the  safety  of  the  state  demanded 
his  death.  The  emperor’s  councillors  were 
unanimously  of  this  opinion,  and  they  pre- 
sented a formal  written  petition  and  remon- 
strance, begging  that  justice  be  done. 

The  emperor  would  not  consent,  partly 
from  his  affection  for  his  turbulent  and 
treacherous  brother,  partly  from  memory  of 
his  promise  to  his  dying  father.  Kamran  was 
placed  in  strict  custody,  and  the  next  morn- 
ing orders  were  given  that  his  eyes  should 
be  lanced  to  deprive  him  of  sight,  though  not 
of  life.  Only  so  would  he  be  harmless.  ■ This 
was  in  1553,  after  Kamran  had  been  in  re- 
bellion more  or  less  constantly  for  twenty- 
three  years.  The  emperor’s  orders  were 
received  and  executed.  Some  time  after- 
wards Kamran  sent  to  becj  for  an  interview. 
“At  midnight  the  emperor,  lighted  by  a 
lantern,  and  attended  by  five  or  six  men  of 
distinction,  repaired  to  Kamran’s  tent.”  The 
emperor  sat  down  and  sobbed  aloud  as  the 


ii6  The  Mogul  Emperoi's 

blinded  Mirza  was  led  in.  He  called  Allah 
to  witness  how  little  affairs  had  turned  out 
according  to  his  wishes,  and  how  deeply  he 
felt  for  his  brother’s  sufferings. 

“The  Mirza  inquired  who  were  in  the  tent. 
He  was  told  Mir  Tardi  Beg,  Monaim  Beg, 
Bapus  Beg  (whose  children  he  had  slain),  and 
some  others  ; on  which  he  addressed  them 
and  said  : ‘ Be  all  of  you  witnesses  that  what- 
ever has  happened  to  me  has  proceeded  from 
my  own  misconduct  and  fault.’  Humayun, 
much  affected,  and  wishing  to  put  an  end  to 
the  scene,  his  voice  interrupted  by  convulsive 
sorrow,  faltered  out : ‘ Let  us  now  repeat  the 
Fateheh.’*  The  Mirza,  upon  this,  earnestly 
recommended  his  children  to  the  emperor’s 
care,  who  said : ‘ Set  yourself  at  ease  upon 
that  subject ; they  are  my  own  children.’  ” f 

* The  opening  of  the  Kuran — a prayer.  It  reads  as  follows: 

Praise  be  to  Aila/i,  the  Lord  of  the  iVortds, 

The  Compassionate^  the  Merciful^ 

King  of  the  day  of  Judgment  / 

Thee  ive  worship^  and  Thee  we  ask  for  help. 

Guide  us  in  the  straight  way^ 

The  way  of  those  to  whom  Thou  art  gracious : 

Not  of  those  tipon  whom  is  Thy  wraths  nor  of  the  erring, 

f Summarized  from  Erskine’s  Life  of  Humayun,  Chapter  III, 
Book  V. 


Humaytm,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  1 1 7 

For  the  first  time  in  the  emperor’s  reign  it 
was  possible  for  him  to  undertake  operations 
in  the  field  without  fearing  the  treachery  of  his 
own  brothers.  His  previous  failures  are  attrib- 
uted by  (foreign)  historians  to  the  levity  and 
weakness  of  his  character.  All  accounts  seem 
to  me  to  make  it  clear  that,  if  he  had  not  obeyed 
his  father’s  admonitions  to  be  kind  to  his  rival 
brothers,  if  he  had  done  as  his  successors  did 
— if  he  had  promptly  put  them  to  death — he 
would  have  been  called  a successful  ruler ; 
cruel  to  his  brothers,  perhaps,  but  kind  to  all 
the  world  besides.  He  was  often  more  than 
kind,  even  magnanimous  and  great-hearted. 

Saif- Khan  had  once  held  his  whole  army 
in  check  for  half  a day,  while  his  over-lord. 
Slier- Khan,  was  making  good  his  escape 
through  a mountain  defile.  He  was  finally 
captured  and  brought  to  the  emperor,  bleed- 
ing from  three  wounds,  and  expecting  death. 
The  emperor  said : “Such  it  behooves  a soldier 
to  be;  who  should  lay  down  his  life  to  advance 
his  master’s  cause.  I set  you  free  ; go  wher- 
ever you  choose.”  Saif  answered,  “ My  fam- 
ily is  with  Sher-Khan  ; I wish  to  go  to  him.” 


ii8  The  Mogtil  Emperors 

Now,  Sher-Khan  was  a thorn  in  the  side  of 
the  hloguls,  but  Humayun  did  not  hesitate. 
“ I have  given  you  your  life  ; do  as  you  will.” 
Humayun  had  a strain  of  romance  in  his 
character,  like  that  of  the  caliphs  who  granted 
favors  to  poets  for  their  verses,  to  singers  for 
their  songs.  “ Ask  a boon  of  me.” 

The  following  incident,  which  occurred  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  his  father,  is  an  excellent 
example  of  the  romantic  impulse  and  respect 
for  learning  which  are  parts  of  the  Oriental 
character : A town  had  been  captured,  and 

the  soldiers  sought  everywhere  for  gold 
and  plunder.  “ A party  of  three  entered  my 
house,”  says  Maulana  Sadu-lla,  “ and  seized 
my  father  (who,  in  studying  and  teaching 
the  sciences  for  sixty-five  years,  had,  in  the 
evening  of  his  life,  lost  his  sight)  and  made 
him  prisoner.  Others  came  and  bound  me, 
and  sent  me  as  a present  to  the  Mirza 
(Shah  Husain).  The  Wazir  was  sitting  on 
a platform  when  I reached  his  house,  and 
ordered  me  to  be  bound  with  a chain,  one 
end  of  which  was  tied  to  the  platform.  I 
did  not  grieve  for  myself,  but  shed  tears 


Humayun,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  1 1 9 

for  my  father’s  sad  condition.”  The  Wazir 
asked  for  writing  materials,  and  mended 
his  pen  to  write,  but  was  called  away,  leaving 
no  one  in  the  place  but  the  captive. 

“ I approached  the  platform,  and  wrote,  on 
the  very  paper  on  which  the  Wazir  intended 
to  write,  these  verses  : 

Do  not  your  eyes  see  how  I am  weeping. 

And  do  you  never  say,  weep  no  more  ? 

And  does  your  heart  never  suggest  to  you 
That  you  should  have  pity  upon  me  ? ” 

When  the  Wazir  returned  he  found  the 
writing,  released  the  poet,  robed  him  in  a 
garment  of  his  own,  and  introduced  him  to 
the  Mirza  himself,  who  set  the  father  free, 
and  restored  their  goods  to  the  two  prison- 
ers, dismissing  them  both  with  honor. 

Everything  was  now  favorable  for  the  re- 
conquest of  India.  In  1555  the  emperor 
set  out  from  Kabul  with  fifteen  thousand 
horse,  invaded  the  Panjab,  captured  Lahore 
from  the  Afghans,  and  took  possession  of 
Delhi  and  Agra.  Successful  battles,  in  which 
the  Prince  Akbar  took  part,  confirmed  him 
in  the  possession  of  Hindustan.  He  died 


I 20 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


from  the  effects  of  a fall  in  1556,  half  a year 
after  his  return  to  Delhi,  and  Akbar  (then 
thirteen  years  old)  reigned  in  his  place. 

In  this  last  invasion  Humayun  made  a vow 
that,  if  Providence  restored  the  sovereignty 
of  India  to  him,  he  would  never  again  make 
slaves  of  true  believers.  He  was  fighting 
against  Afghans,  who  were  Musulmans,  and 
had  no  scruple  in  making  a pyramid  of 
their  heads,  in  the  fashion  of  Timur  the 
Tartar,  but  he  did  not  enslave  them.  This 
last  pyramid  of  heads  was  erected  seven- 
teen years  before  the  Massacre  of  Saint 
Bartholomew. 

The  success  of  the  first  battle  for  the 
reconquest  of  India  was  splendid;  but  it 
produced  no  change  in  the  equanimity  of 
Humayun’s  mind.  He  had  always  endeav- 
ored, he  said,  to  observe  three  principles  of 
conduct : first  of  all,  integrity  of  design  ; 
then,  energy  in  action  ; and,  finally,  modera- 
tion in  success ; ascribing  all  the  glory  to 
an  overruling  Providence,  and  nothing  to  the 
merits  of  man. 

A very  curious  chapter  might  be  written 


Humayun,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  1 2 1 

concerning  the  dreams  of  the  emperors,  as 
recounted  in  their  Memoirs.  Putting:  to  one 
side  those  architecturally  elaborate  dreams, 
“ I saw  an  eagle  descend  from  the  empy- 
rean and  devour  a dove,  etc.,”  which  are 
announced  by  the  emperor  at  his  Durbar, 
so  that  the  astrologers  may  expound  them 
to  mean  that  he  is  the  eagle,  and  his  enemy 
the  dove,* — putting  these  aside,  there  still 
remain  to  us  a considerable  number  of  evi- 
dently genuine  dreams. 

We  must  reg:ard  Babar’s  account  of  his 
dream  of  the  flower-gardens  as  entirely 
genuine.  He  recounts  it  with  real  pleasure 
years  afterwards.  And  what  a lovely  light  it 
throws  on  his  thoug:hts ! In  the  Memoirs 
of  Timur  there  are  several  cases  of  dreams 
meant  to  be  interpreted  in  public  ; but  there 
is  one  case  which  seems  to  me  to  be  entirely 
real,  and  to  give  a glimpse  into  the  monarch’s 
secret  mind.  He  is  recounting  his  “ holy 
war  against  the  infidel  Kators”  (May,  1398, 
A.D.).  After  days  of  fighting  and  extreme 

* Such,  for  example,  as  the  dreams  of  Olympias,  mother  of 
Alexander  the  Great,  just  before  his  birth. 


122  The  Mo  gill  E7nperors 

fatigue  in  the  mountains,  Timur  sleeps,  and 
dreams — what  ? “I  dreamed  that  my  sword 
was  bent.”  When  he  awakes,  this  dream,  like 
others,  must  be  expounded.  “ I interpreted 
it  to  be  a certain  token  that  Burhan  Aghlan 
had  been  defeated.”  As  a matter  of  fact  he 
had  been  ; but  it  is  clear,  I think,  that  the 
dream  itself  was  true,  and  not  a fabrication 
intended  to  convey  the  idea  that  Timur  was 
inspired.  Here  is  a small  but  genuine  psychic 
event.  “ I dreamed  that  my  sword  was  bent.” 

Humayun,  too,  had  dreams  de  circonstance 
— official  dreams,  meant  to  be  interpreted  in 
his  favor.  It  is  related  also  that  he  had  a 
supernatural  warning  of  his  death  in  a dream. 
He  himself  says:  “I  lately  rose  after  mid- 
night to  say  the  stated  prayers  and  retired 
again  to  rest ; when  just  before  dawn,  as  I 
was  lying,  my  eyes  shut,  but  my  heart  awake, 
I heard  a supernatural  voice  clearly  repeat 
these  verses  : 

' Oh,  Lord,  of  Thine  infinite  goodness  make  me  Thine  own; 

Oh,  call  to  Thee  thy  poor  lover;  Oh,  grant  me  my  release," 

He  repeated  these  verses  frequently,  with 


Hti7uayun,  Emperor  of  Hinditstaii  123 

deep  emotion ; and  it  was  not  long  after- 
wards that  he  met  his  death  by  an  accident. 

Nizamu-d-din- Ahmad  was  the  son  of  a 
favorite  noble  of  Babar’s  and  Humayun’s 
court.  His  history  is  a standard  one,  and  his 
estimate  of  the  emperor  is  at  least  that  of 
an  intelligent  observer,  who  had  the  fullest 
opportunity  for  judgment."'  Omitting  a few 
adjectives  of  convention,  there  is  no  reason 
to  doubt  that  his  writing  is  sincere.  He  says  : 
“ Humayun  reigned  for  more  than  twenty- 
five  years,  and  he  was  fifty-one  years  of  age 
when  he  died.  His  angelic  character  was 
adorned  with  every  manly  virtue,  and  in  cour- 
age he  excelled  all  the  princes  of  the  time. 
All  the  wealth  of  Hindustan  would  not  have 
sufficed  to  have  maintained  his  generosity. 
In  the  sciences  of  astrology  and  mathe- 
matics he  was  unrivalled.  He  made  good 
verses,  and  all  the  learned  and  great  and 
good  of  the  time  were  admitted  to  his  so- 

* He  came  into  high  favor  with  the  Emperor  Akbar  by  marching 
his  men  twelve  hundred  miles  in  twelve  days,  so  as  to  be  present  at 
the  celebration  of  the  thirty-fifth  anniversary  of  his  coronation  at 
Lahore. 


1 24  The  Mogtil  Emperors 

ciety,  and  passed  the  night  in  his  company. 
The  light  of  favor  shone  on  men  of  ability 
and  worth  during  his  reign.  Such  was  his 
clemency  that  he  repeatedly  pardoned  the 
rebellions  of  his  brother,  Mirza  Kamran,  when 
he  was  taken  prisoner  and  was  in  his  power. 
He  was  devout  and  ceremonious  in  all  re- 
ligious observances.” 

His  “weary  indecision”  was  manifested 
chiefly  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign,  and  then 
only  in  counsel.  He  was  always  prompt  and 
brave  in  action,  as  became  a descendant  of 
Amir  Timur.  Of  Timur  we  may  say  what 
Saint-Simon  says  of  Peter  the  Great:  “ Tout 
montrait  en  lui  la  vaste  etendue  de  ses 
lumieres,  et  quelque  chose  de  contmucllement 
consequent."  All  the  descendants  of  Timur 
were  distinguished  for  personal  valor — the 
courage  of  the  heart.  Some  of  them  in- 
herited  from  their  great  ancestor  that  cour- 
age of  the  mind  which  made  him  capable 
of  long,  patient,  unswerving  devotion  to  a 
resolution  once  formed.  But  Humayun  was 
not  one  of  his  heirs  in  this  respect.  Valor 
he  had,  but  he  was  deficient  in  resolution. 


Humaynin,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  125 

Erskine,  the  author  of  a Life  of  Humaynui, 
has  given  another  estimate  of  his  character, 
which  I quote  : 

“ He  was  a man  of  great  quickness  of  parts, 
but  volatile,  thoughtless,  and  unstead}'.  His 
disposition  was  naturally  generous,  friendly, 
and  affectionate ; his  manners  polite,  frank, 
and  winning.  His  generosity  finally  degen- 
erated into  prodigality,  his  attachments  into 
weakness,  and  hence  to  the  day  of  his  death 
he  was  the  prey  of  flatterers  and  favorites. 
He  was  fond  of  literature,  and  deliohted  in 

o 

the  society  of  the  learned.  He  was  a writer  of 
verses,*  and  had  made,  it  is  said,  considerable 
progress  in  mathematics  and  astronomy.  At 
the  time  of  his  death  he  was  about  to  con- 
struct an  observatory,  and  had  already  col- 
lected the  necessary  instruments.”  “ He  was 
a good  Musulman,  rigid  in  the  observance  of 
the  stated  prayers  and  of  the  ceremonial  of 
the  law.”  “But  though  he  was  brave  and 
good-tempered,  liberal,  and  fond  of  learning, 
his  virtues  all  bordered  on  neighboring  de- 
fects, and  produced  little  fruit.” 


* As  was  his  brother  Hindal  also. 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


1 26 

His  father,  Babar,  has  also  left  us  a judg- 
ment of  him.  For  a long  time  Humayun 
lived  at  the  court  and  shared  in  every  detail 
of  government,  and  was  the  inseparable  asso- 
ciate of  the  emperor,  who  was  never  tired  of 
repeating  that,  as  a companion,  Humayun  had 
not  his  equal  in  the  whole  habitable  world. 
He  was  the  very  flower  of  humanity  and 
courtesy.  His  affection  for  his  father  was 
genuine  and  sincere.  In  the  forty-sixth  year 
of  his  age  he  transcribed  Babar’s  Mefuolrs 
with  his  own  hand,  adding  a commentary  of 
his  own. 

He  was  uniformly  kind  and  considerate  to 
his  dependents,  devotedly  attached  to  his  son 
Akbar,  to  his  friends,  and  to  his  turbulent 
brothers.  The  misfortunes  of  his  reign  arose, 
in  great  part,  from  his  failure  to  treat  them 
with  rigor.  But  we  are  obliged  to  esteem 
him  for  this  long-suffering  consideration, 
for  it  was  the  faithful  fulfilment  of  his  prom- 
ise to  his  dying  father. 

The  very  defects  of  his  character,  which 
render  him  less  admirable  as  a successful  ruler 
of  nations,  make  us  more  fond  of  him  as  a 


Hu7uayun,  Emperor  of  Hindustani  127 

man.  His  renown  has  suffered  in  that  his 
reign  came  between  the  brilliant  conquests 
of  Babar  and  the  beneficent  statesmanship 
of  Akbar ; but  he  was  not  unworthy  to  be 
the  son  of  the  one  and  the  father  of  the 
other. 


128 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


CHAPTER  IV 

SHAH  AKBAR  THE  GREAT,  EMPEROR  OF 
HINDUSTAN  (a.D.  I556-1605) 

The  book  of  the  Thousand  Nights  and  a 
Night  begins  with  these  words  ; “ Verily  the 
works  and  words  of  those  s:one  before  us  have 
become  instances  and  examples  to  men  of 
our  modern  day,  that  folk  may  view  what 
admonishing  chances  befel  other  folk,  and 
may  therefrom  take  warning  ; and  that  they 
may  peruse  the  annals  of  antique  peoples, 
and  all  that  hath  betided  them,  and  be 
thereby  ruled  and  restrained.  Praise  there- 
fore be  to  Allah  who  hath  made  the  histories 
of  the  Past  an  admonition  unto  the  Present.” 
The  works  and  words  of  Akbar  are  worthy 
to  be  instances  and  examples  and  even 
admonitions  unto  the  present. 

By  command  of  the  Emperor  Akbar  his 
wazir,  Abul-fazl,  wrote  the  history  of  his  life. 


AKBAR  NUR-MAHAL  shah  jahan 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


1 29 

and  also  a monumental  book  treating  of  the 
(government  and  statistics  of  the  kingdom.* 

It  is  possible  from  this  work  to  obtain  a 
lively  picture  of  the  Empire  of  the  Moguls 
at  the  height  of  its  splendor,  and  the  charac- 
ter of  its  enlightened  monarch  is  set  forth  in 
the  laws  and  customs  which  he  prescribed. 
Abul-fazl’s  style  abounds  in  smooth  flattery, 
which  seems  offensive  to  a Western  reader 
chiefly  because  it  is  addressed  to  a king — 
and  kings  are  out  of  date.  It  is  no  more 
fulsome,  however,  than  the  address  of  a 
candidate  for  Parliament  or  Congress  to  the 
voters,  his  masters.  As  reasonable  people 
disregard  the  latter  sort  of  flattery,  so  we 
may  also  discount  the  former,  I have,  there- 
fore, omitted  most  of  the  eulogistic  passages 
in  Abul-fazl’s  book,  as  they  are  merely  con- 
ventional, and  have  but  little  genuine  signifi- 
cance. 


■*This  volume,  the  Ain-i-Akbari,  has  been  twice  translated: 
by  Francis  Gladwin  (,1800)  and  by  Professor  Blochmann  (1873).  The 
edition  of  1873  is  supplemented  by  a series  of  notes,  so  elaborate, 
so  interesting,  so  learned,  as  to  give  the  work  of  Abul-fazl  a 
double  title  to  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  world’s  great  books.  I 
have  quoted  from  both  translations  in  this  chapter. 


130 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


Akbar  was  the  son  of  Humayun,  and  came 
to  the  throne  in  1556.  He  died  in  1605, 
after  a reign  of  nearly  fifty  years.  The 
history  of  his  wars  and  conquests  is  far  less 
interesting  than  the  picture  of  his  civil 
o^overnment. 

o 

Abul-fazl’s  book  enables  us  to  trace  the 
finger  of  the  monarch  in  every  detail  of 
the  administration  of  a vast  and  well-ordered 
empire  which  extended  from  Persia  to  the 
Ganges,  and  from  Cashmere  to  the  Deccan. 
A glance  at  the  table  of  contents  gives 
the  following  chapter-headings  among  many  : 
The  Household;  the  Royal  Treasuries;  the 
Jewel  Office;  the  Mint;  the  Harem;  the 
Equipage  for  Journeys  ; Regulations  for 
the  Encampment  of  the  Army  ; Ensigns  of 
Royalty  ; Perfume  Ofhce  ; Painting  Gallery  ; 
Artillery  ; Stables  for  Elephants,  Horses, 
Camels,  Oxen ; Regulations  for  the  Public 
Fights  of  Animals  ; Regulations  for  Teaching 
in  the  Public  Schools  ; Revenue  Department  ; 
Particular  Account  of  Each  One  of  the  Fifteen 
Provinces  Governed  by  Viceroys  ; Rent-roll 
of  the  Empire;  Religious  Toleration ; Descrip- 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


13^ 

tion  of  Hindustan — its  Inhabitants — its  Doc- 
trines— its  Customs,  etc.,  etc.,  etc.,  and  a 
thousand  things  besides. 

o 

“ It  is  universally  agreed,”  says  Abul-fazl, 
“ that  the  noblest  employments  are  the 
reformation  of  the  manners  of  the  people, 
the  advancement  of  agriculture,  the  regula- 
tion of  the  offices,  and  the  discipline  of  the 
army;  and  these  desirable  ends  are  not  to 
be  attained  without  studying  to  please  the 
people,  joined  with  good  management  of 
the  finances  and  exact  economy  in  the  ex- 
penses of  the  state  ; but  when  these  are  kept 
in  view,  every  class  of  people  enjoys  prosperity!' 

What  an  immense  change  of  ideal  this 
paragraph  denotes  from  that  of  Timur, 
Akbar’s  ancestor ! The  prosperity  of  the 
people  ! Compare  this  with  the  terrible 
marches  and  sieges  of  Timur,  each  marked 
with  its  pyramids  of  human  heads.  The 
advance  of  agriculture  ! This  is  the  ideal 
of  the  descendant  of  those  Turki  warriors 
who  jeered  at  wheat,  calling  it  “ the  top  of 
a weed.” 

The  emperor  appointed  treasurers  for 


132 


The  Alognl  Emperors 


each  department,  who  kept  daily,  monthly, 
quarterly,  and  yearly  accounts.  Diamonds 
and  other  jewels  belonging  to  the  crown 
•were  valued  and  classed;  pearls  were  strung 
in  scores,  and  at  the  end  of  each  string  the 
seal  was  affixed,  that  they  might  not  be  un- 
sorted or  stolen.  Each  ruby  of  price  bore 
the  inscription,  “The  magnificent  ruby.” 
These  jewels  cannot  all  be  lost.  Are  any 
of  Akbar’s  rubies  in  European  collections 
to-day  ? A mint  with  fixed  regulations  and 
with  paid  officials  was  established,  and  rules 
for  the  fineness  of  the  precious  metals  were 
laid  down.*  Light  coins  were  received 
according  to  established  discounts.  “ Every 
money  matter  will  be  satisfactorily  settled, 
when  the  parties  express  their  minds  clearly, 

* Among  his  jewellers  was  an  Englishman,  Mr.  William  Leades. 
The  king  “entertained  him  very  well,  gave  him  a house  and  five 
slaves,  a horse,  and  every  day  six  shillings  in  money.”  Leades’ 
history  is  curious.  He  was  one  of  four  Englishmen  who  travelled 
from  Syria  and  Persia  to  India  in  15S3,  bearing  letters  from  Queen 
Elizabeth  to  the  Great  Mogul.  After  many  adventures  they  came 
to  very  different  ends.  One  of  the  company  (Storey)  became  a 
monk  at  Goa  ; Leades  entered  Akbar's  service  ; Newberry  died  on 
the  journey  home;  and  Fitch  returned  to  England  in  1591,  and 
published  an  account  of  his  voyages. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


133 


then  take  a pen,  and  write  down  the  state- 
ment in  legible  handwriting.”  As  we  read 
these  paragraphs  we  do  not  seem  to  be  in 
the  middle  ages,  until,  by  accident,  we  see 
that  “metals  are  formed  of  vapor  and  exha- 
lation, which  is  to  be  particularly  learned 
from  books  of  natural  philosophy.”  Akbar 
brought  his  coins  to  a fixed  standard  of 
purity  and  improved  their  shape.  They 
were  weighed  against  standard  agate  weights. 
One  of  them  bore  for  a legend  : 

The  best  coin  is  that  which  is  employed  in  supplying  men  with 
the  necessaries  of  life,  and  which  benefits  the  companions  in  the  road 
of  God. 


Special  coinage  alloys  were  invented  by 
Akbar  himself,  who  experimented  in  all 
departments  from  religion  to  metallurgy. 
Minute  rules  prescribed  how  the  betting 
on  deer-fights  should  be  conducted ; and 
“ the  leanness  of  elephants  was  divided  into 
thirteen  classes,” — to  see  if  their  food  had 
been  stolen. 

Akbar  inherited  his  desire  for  classifying 
and  organizing  everything  from  his  father 


134  Mogtil  Emperors 

Humayun,  in  whom  the  systematic  tendency 
was  strongly  developed,  but  whose  vagabond 
life  did  not  permit  him  to  carry  out  his  ten- 
dencies to  the  full.  Humayun  in  the  begin- 
ning of  his  reign  divided  all  his  people  into 
three  classes.  The  royal  family,  the  nobles, 
the  military  chiefs,  were  the  first  class ; the 
religious  hermits,  the  descendants  of  the 
Prophet,  the  literatiy  the  law  officers,  the 
astronomers,  and  the  poets,  “ besides  other 
great  and  respectable  men,”  were  the  second 
class ; while  those  who  were  young  and 
lovely,  the  singers  and  musicians,  were  the 
third.  The  occupations  of  the  days  of  the 
week  were  apportioned  to  these  three  classes, 
two  days  to  each  class,  etc.  The  more  serious 
occupation  of  guarding  his  kingship,  and 
even  his  life,  soon  broke  up  this  artificial  and 
rather  silly  scheme,  of  which  I have  given 
but  a very  small  part. 

Abul-fazl  writes  thus  (feelingly)  of  the 
Harem,  or  Seraglio:  “There  is,  in  general, 
great  inconvenience  arising  from  a number  of 
women  ; but  his  majesty,  out  of  the  abun- 
dance of  his  wisdom  and  prudence,  has  made 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  135 

it  subservient  to  public  advantage  ; for  by 
contracting:  marriag-es  with  the  daughters  of 
the  princes  of  Hindustan  and  of  other  coun- 
tries, he  secures  himself  against  insurrections 
at  home,  and  forms  powerful  alliances  abroad.* 
The  harem  is  an  enclosure  of  such  immense 
extent  as  to  contain  a separate  room  for  each 
one  of  the  women,  whose  number  exceeds 
five  thousand.  They  are  divided  into  com- 
panies, and  a proper  employment  is  assigned 
to  each  individual.  Over  each  of  these  com- 
panies a woman  is  appointed  to  rule.  And 
one  is  selected  for  the  care  of  the  whole,  in 
order  that  the  affairs  of  the  harem  may  be 
conducted  with  the  same  regularity  as  the 
other  departments  of  the  state.” 

The  harem  was  thus  a state  bureau  ; its 
chief  was  Maham  Anka,  who  had  been  Akbar’s 
nurse  and  faithful  attendant  during  the  peril- 
ous adventures  of  his  childhood,  and  who  was. 


* It  is  often  said  that  one  of  Akbar’s  wives  was  a Christian  prin- 
cess. It  is  worth  while  to  give  this  foot  note  to  a correction  of  the 
error.  Of  all  the  royal  families  of  the  proud  Rajputs,  one  only, 
that  of  Oudipur,  steadily  rejected  all  marriages  with  the  house  of 
the  Mogul  conquerors,  and  to  this  day  has  kept  its  blood  pure, 
according  to  the  ancient  Rajput  customs. 


136  The  Mo  gill  Emperors 

in  fact,  his  prime  minister  in  the  early  years  of 
his  reigfn. 

“ Each  one  receives  a salary  equal  to  her 
merit.  The  pen  cannot  measure  the  extent 
of  the  emperor’s  largesses  ; but  here  shall  be 
given  some  account  of  the  monthly  stipend  of 
each.  The  ladies  of  the  first  quality  receive 
from  1,610  rupees*  down  to  1,028  rupees. 
Some  of  the  principal  servants  have  from 
fifty-one  down  to  twenty  rupees,  and  others 
are  paid  from  two  rupees  up  to  forty.” 
“ Whenever  any  of  this  multitude  of  women 
want  anything,  they  apply  to  the  treasurer.” 
“ The  inside  of  the  harem  is  guarded  by 
women,”  and  there  were  eunuchs,  porters,  and 
military  guards  at  different  distances  outside, 
each  in  a prescribed  position. 

The  equipages  for  journeys  and  encamp- 
ments were  as  complex  as  a town.  For  it 
must  be  remembered  that  when  the  emperor 
moved  from  a city,  the  inhabitants  moved 
with  him  ; merchants,  families,  servants,  and 
slaves.  The  camp  was  simply  the  city  under 
tents. 


■*  A rupee  may  be  taken  as  about  fifty-five  cents  in  Akbar’s  time. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


137 


Akbar  had  various  seals.  One  bore  his 
name  alone  ; another,  the  name  of  all  of 
his  ancestors  up  to  Timur  ; for  petitions  a 
seal  was  used  with  the  inscription  : 

Rectitude  is  the  means  of  pleasing  God. 

I never  saiu  any  one  lost  in  the  straight  road. 


“ His  majesty  even  extends  his  attentions 
to  the  kitchen  department,  and  has  made  many 
wise  regulations  concerning^  it.  He  eats  but 
once  in  the  course  of  twenty-four  hours,  and 
he  always  leaves  off  with  an  appetite.  But 
what  is  required  for  the  harem  is  going  on 
from  morning  to  night.”  “ Trusty  people  are 
appointed  to  the  kitchen  department,  and  his 
majesty  is  not  unwatchful  of  their  conduct.” 
In  Babar’s  time  an  awning  was  spread  over 
the  kitchen  to  insure  that  poison  should  not 
be  dropped  from  above,  and  all  the  cooking 
was  done  under  guard.  Moreover,  attempts 
against  the  emperor’s  life  were  provided 
against  by  the  appointment  of  tasters,  and 
unmindful  tasters  were  flayed  alive  ! The 
same  precautions  were  taken  by  Akbar,  and 
the  dishes  were  sent  from  the  kitchen  in  nap- 


138  The  Mogiil  Emperors 

kins  whose  corners  were  fastened  by  a seal. 
“ The  copper  utensils  for  his  majesty’s  use  are 
tinned  twice  a month  ; those  for  the  princes 
and  the  harem  only  once  in  that  time.” 
Everything  was  regulated  in  this  kingdom  of 
ordinances.  Akbar  drank  only  the  waters  of 
the  Ganges,  cooled  with  saltpetre.  “ Salt- 
petre, which  in  the  composition  of  gun-powder 
supplies  heat,  has  been  discovered  by  his 
majesty  to  be  also  productive  of  cold.”  * 

All  the  water  for  Akbar’s  use  and  all  the 
provisions  were  kept  in  vessels  under  seal, 
and  the  magazines  and  gardens  were  guarded 
by  trusty  servants.  This  was  necessary  in  a 
realm  where  treachery  abounded,  the  classic 
land  of  poisons.f 

The  receipts  for  thirty  dishes  are  given  by 
the  wazir.  I shall  only  quote  one,  for  the 
benefit  of  young  housekeepers.  “ Chickee. 

* The  philosophy  of  Abul-fazl  is  like  that  of  the  little  girl  in 
Punch,  who  gazes  at  a tortoise,  and  remarks  how  passing  strange  it 
is  that  the  animal  which  supplies  her  with  her  combs  should  possess 
so  extremely  little  hair. 

f Ibn  Batuta  tells  us  that  there  was  a special  seal-bearer  under 
Sultan  Mahmud  (a.d.  997-IC30)  whose  duty  it  was  to  seal  the 
water-jars  used  by  that  emperor. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  139 

Ten  pounds  of  wheat  flour  made  into  a paste 
and  washed  until  it  is  reduced  into  two  pounds ; 
one  pound  of  clarified  butter,  and  the  same 
quantity  of  onions  ; saffron,  cardamoms,  and 
cloves,  each  quarter  of  an  ounce  ; cinnamon, 
round  pepper,  and  coriander  seed,  each  half 
an  ounce  ; green  ginger  and  salt,  each  an 
ounce  and  a half.  Some  add  lemon  jtiice." 

To  the  Western  palate  it  seems  indifferent 
whether  the  lemon  were  added  or  not.  A 
hundred  dishes  was  the  usual  memt  for 
Akbar’s  dinner.  “ One  day  when  his  majesty 
was  at  dinner,  it  occurred  to  his  mind  that 
probably  the  eyes  of  some  hungry  one  had 
fallen  upon  the  food.  How,  therefore,  could 
he  eat  it  while  the  hungry  were  debarred  from 
it  ? He  therefore  gave  orders  that  every  day 
some  hungry  persons  should  be  fed  with 
some  of  the  food  prepared  for  himself,  and 
that  afterwards  he  should  be  fed.”  “ His 
majesty  has  a great  disinclination  for  flesh, 
and  he  frequently  says,  ‘ Providence  has 
provided  variety  of  food  for  man,  but 
through  gluttony  and  ignorance  he  destroys 
living  creatures  and  makes  his  body  a tomb 


1^.0  The  Alogul  Empcj-oi's 

for  beasts.  If  I were  not  a king  I would 
leave  off  eating  flesh  at  once,  and  now  it 
is  my  intention  to  quit  it  by  degrees.’  ” 
And  in  fact  he  always  abstained  from  meat 
on  two  days  in  every  week.  Akbar  was  ex- 
ceedingly fond  of  fruit,  and  introduced  many 
varieties  from  Persia  and  Tartary.  The  best 
muskmelons  came  from  Tartary,  and  cost 
two  and  a half  rupees  each ; apples  from 
Samarkand  were  ten  for  a rupee. 

“ His  majesty  is  exceedingly  fond  of  per- 
fumes, and  the  presence-chamber  is  con- 
stantly scented  with  flowers,  and  fumigated 
with  perfumes  burned  in  gold  and  silver 
censers.”  His  faithful  minister  gives  many 
receipts  for  compounding  scents.  A long  list 
is  also  given  of  the  flowers  of  the  country 
and  of  their  seasons  for  blossomincj. 

“ Of  Afarrzages : His  majesty  does  not 

approve  of  every  one  marrying  more  than 
one  wife.  He  censures  old  women  who  take 
young  husbands.  His  majesty  maintains  that 
/he  consent  of  the  bride  and  bridegroom,  and 
the  permission  of  the  parents,  are  absohitely 
necessary:'  This  is  almost  inconceivably  ad- 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


141 

vanced  doctrine,  when  we  remember  the  time 
and  place.  A consideration  of  the  juvenile 
marriages  of  the  Hindus  had  formed  Akbar’s 
opinions  on  this  point. 

“ Every  day  some  capable  person  reads  to 
his  majesty,  who  hears  every  book  from  be- 
ginning to  end.  He  always  marks  with  the 
date  of  the  month  the  place  where  he  leaves 
off.  There  is  hardly  a work  of  science,  of 
genius,  or  of  history,  but  has  been  read  to  his 
majesty,  and  he  is  not  tired  of  hearing  them 
repeated,  but  always  listens  with  great  avid, 
ity.”  Many  books  were  translated  by  his 
command,  and  a history  of  all  parts  of  the 
world  for  the  last  thousand  years  was  pre. 
pared  by  his  order.  Akbar  applied  to  the 
Pope  of  Rome  for  a copy  of  the  Pentateuch, 
having  already  in  his  possession,  so  he  says, 
the  Evanorelists  and  the  Psalms  in  Persian." 

O 

“ All  civilized  nations  have  schools ; but 
Hindustan  is  particularly  famous  for  its  semi- 
naries.” As  in  everything  else  in  the  empire, 
Akbar  had  improvements  to  suggest ; and 

One  of  the  Persian  poets  declares  that  the  Psalms  were  origin- 
ally  written  by  David  in  the  Persian  dialect  ! (Ross’s  Saadi.) 


142 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


“ what  used  to  take  up  years,  is  now  accom- 
plished in  a few  months,  to  the  astonishment 
of  every  one.”  “ Every  boy  should  read 
books  on  morals,  arithmetic,  agriculture, 
mensuration,  geometry,  astronomy,  physiog- 
nomy, household  matters,  the  rules  of  govern- 
ment, (theological,  mathematical,  and  physi- 
cal) sciences,  and  history — all  of  which  may 
be  gradually  acquired,” 

“ His  majesty  takes  great  delight  in  the 
painting-gallery,  and  having  patronized  this 
art  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  has 
caused  it  to  arrive  at  high  perfection.” 
Every  week  pictures  were  submitted  to  him 
and  the  artists  rewarded.  A list  of  the 
eighteen  most  eminent  painters  of  his  court 
is  given.  Books  were  illuminated  also,  and 
one  (in  twelve  volumes)  had  no  less  than 
fourteen  hundred  illustrations.  Portraits  of 
all  the  chief  officers  were  made,  and  bound  in 
a volume  “ wherein  the  past  are  kept  in  lively 
remembrance,  and  the  present  are  insured 
immortality.” 

The  library  of  his  poet-laureate  (the 
brother  of  Abul-fazl)  contained  forty-six 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


143 


hundred  manuscripts,  and  Akbar’s  was  far 
more  complete.*  In  Jahangir’s  time,  the 
walls  of  the  palace  at  Lahore  were  literally 
covered  with  portraits  and  other  pictures. 
Timur’s  picture  gallery  at  Samarkand  con- 
tained mural  paintings  of  his  battles  in 
Hindustan.  “There  are  many  that  hate 
painting,”  says  Akbar,  “ but  such  men  I dis- 
like. It  appears  to  me  as  if  a painter  had 
quite  peculiar  means  of  recognizing  God, 
For  a painter  in  sketching  anything  that 
has  life,  and  in  devising  its  limbs,  one  after 
the  other,  must  come  to  feel  that  he  cannot 
bestow  individuality  upon  his  work,  and  is 
thus  forced  to  think  of  God,  the  giver  of 
life.” 

In  the  year  1570  Akbar  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  his  city  Futtehpore-Sikri,  near  the 
residence  of  the  Saint  Selim  Shisti,  after 
whom  his  eldest  son  was  named  (Prince 
Selim,  afterwards  Jahangir).  The  site  was 
not  really  suitable,  and  the  city  was  aban- 
doned in  1584.  Its  ruins  are  to-day  a 
wonder  to  travellers.  The  great  fort  at 
Agra  was  built  by  him  also.  If  he  had  not 


144 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


been  succeeded  by  two  kings  with  a passion 
for  architecture,  like  Jahangir,  and  especially 
Shah  Jahan,  Akbar  would  have  been  famous 
as  a builder  also.  There  is  a sober  solidity 
to  many  of  his  constructions  which  renders 
them  to-day  at  once  imposing  and  character- 
istic. 

Particular  rules  were  laid  down  for  the 
manufacture  of  artillery  and  of  small  arms  ; 
and  all  these  pieces  were  tested  by  Akbar 
himself.  It  appears  that  with  one  single 
musket  the  emperor  had  killed  nineteen  hun- 
dred separate  beasts — for  in  his  hunting,  as 
in  everything  else,  he  kept  precise  accounts. 
Each  one  of  the  emperor’s  private  guns  had 
its  appropriate  name. 

Abul-fazl’s  description  of  the  elephants  of 
India  is  most  interestingf,  but  it  is  far  too  lonor 
for  quotation.  It  may  be  remarked  that  he 
says  that  the  natural  life  of  this  beast,  “like 
that  of  man,”  is  one  hundred  and  twenty  years. 
It  is  noteworthy,  too,  that  before  Akbar’s 
time  it  was  considered  unlucky  to  allow  tame 
elephants  to  breed  ; “ but  his  majesty  has  sur- 
mounted this  prejudice” — this  superstition. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  145 

“ His  majesty  being  very  fond  of  horses, 
droves  are  constantly  arriving,  so  that  at  this 
day  there  are  in  his  stables  twelve  thousand 
horses.”  Akbar  paid  a salary  to  an  official 
of  his  stables,  whose  business  it  was  to  burn 
a kind  of  mustard-seed  to  avert  the  evil  eye. 
The  express-service  of  the  empire  was  done 
on  swift  camels,  and  not  by  horses.  At  every 
six  miles  on  the  principal  routes  a postman 
was  stationed,  and  besides  these  “a  great 
number  of  camel-riders  are  waiting  in  the 
palace  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  orders  or 
messages,  the  instant  they  are  ready  to  be 
despatched,  to  the  most  distant  extent  of 
the  realm.” 

“ Whenever  his  majesty  marches  at  the 
head  of  his  army  the  road  is  carefully  meas- 
ured, by  means  of  bamboo  rods,  by  persons 
appointed  for  that  purpose.  The  units  of 
measure  were  one  guz  (equal  to  about  thirty- 
three  inches),  and  one  crouh,  which  equals 
five  thousand  gtizS  The  ancient  definitions 
of  these  standard  measures  are  worth  quot- 
ing, that  we  may  comprehend  the  necessity 
for  some  of  the  reforms  of  Akbar.  In  one 


10 


146 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


province  the  crouh,  or  standard  measure, 
was  “ the  greatest  distance  at  which  may  be 
heard  the  ordinary  lowing  of  an  ox.”  In  an- 
other, “ a man  is  to  pluck  a green  leaf,  and, 
placing  it  upon  his  head,  to  walk  with  it  until 
it  becomes  dry ; this  distance,  they  say,  is  a 
crouhr  I quote  part  of  one  of  the  tables 
given : 

“ 6 hairs  of  a mule’s  tail  . . . one  barleycorn. 

6 barley  corns “ one  inch. 

24  inches “ one  guz.” 

The  “ barleycorn  ” of  our  old  arithmetics 
makes  its  appearance  here. 

“ His  majesty  is  exceedingly  fond  of  music, 
and  has  a perfect  knowledge  of  its  principles. 
This  art,  which  the  generality  of  people  use 
as  the  means  of  inducing  sleep,  serves  to 
amuse  him,  and  to  keep  him  awake.” 

The  Emperor  Babarwas  not  fond  of  Hin- 
dus, nor  of  Hindustan,  as  we  have  seen  ; but 
Abul-fazl  says : 

“ Summarily  the  Hindus  are  religious,  affa- 
ble, courteous  to  strangers,  cheerful,  enam- 
ored of  knowledge,  lovers  of  justice,  given 
to  retirement,  able  in  business,  grateful. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  147 

admirers  of  truth,  and  of  unbounded  fidelity- 
in  all  their  dealings.  Their  soldiers  know  not 
what  it  is  to  fly  from  the  field  of  battle. 
They  have  great  respect  for  their  teachers, 
and  make  no  account  of  their  lives  when 
they  can  devote  them  to  the  service  of  God.” 
This  unbounded  panegyric  ought  to  stand 
alone.  Unfortunately,  in  another  place,  Abul- 
fazl  expresses  a different  opinion ; he  says  : 
“ In  short,  some  have  the  disposition  of 
angels,  and  others  are  demons.  There  are 
some  who  for  the  merest  trifle  will  commit 
the  greatest  outrages.” 

As  Abul-fazl’s  work  was  to  pass  under  the 
eye  of  the  king,  he  improved  the  opportunity 
to  give  little  moral  lessons  to  inculcate  an 
even  temper,  or  to  strengthen  the  position  of 
good  wazirs.  There  are  many  such  pas- 
sages, of  which  I shall  quote  but  one  : 

“ A wise  prince  never  suffers  himself  to 
be  led  away  by  reports,  but  exercises  his 
circumspection  and  makes  diligent  investiga- 
tion, seeing  that  truth  is  scarce  and  falsehood 
common  ; and  it  behoveth  him  to  be  more 
especially  doubtful  of  whatever  is  said  to  the 


148 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


prejudice  of  those  whom  he  has  distinguished 
by  peculiar  marks  of  his  favor,  as  the  world 
in  general  bears  them  enmity  even  without 
cause,  and  the  wicked  frequently  put  on  the 
appearance  of  virtue  to  compass  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  innocent.”  But  Akbar,  though 
hasty  in  his  temper,  was  faithful  to  his 
friends ; and  his  wazir,  in  particular,  enjoyed 
his  favor  to  his  last  day,  and  was  sincerely 
mourned  after  his  death. 

“ The  Manner  in  which  His  Majesty  spends 
His  Time. 

“ On  this  depends  the  welfare  and  happi- 
ness of  all  ranks  of  people.  It  is  his  majesty’s 
constant  endeavor  to  gain  and  secure  the 
hearts  of  all  men.  Amidst  a thousand  cares, 
he  suffers  not  his  temper  to  be  disturbed, 
but  is  always  cheerful.  He  is  ever  striving 
to  do  that  which  is  most  acceptable  to  the 
Deity,  and  employs  his  mind  on  profound 
and  abstract  speculations.  He  listens  to  what 
every  one  has  to  say.  He  never  suffers  him- 
self to  be  led  away  by  wrath.  Others  employ 
story-tellers  to  lull  them  to  sleep,  but  his 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


149 


majesty,  on  the  contrary,  listens  to  them  to 
keep  himself  awake.  He  exercises  upon  him- 
self both  inward  and  outward  austerities,  and 
pays  regard  to  external  forms,  in  order  to 
avoid  cause  for  reproach.  He  never  laughs 
at  or  ridicules  any  religion  or  sect ; * he  never 
omits  the  performance  of  any  duty.  He  is 
continually  returning  thanks  unto  Providence 
and  scrutinizino-  his  own  conduct.  He  is 

o 

ever  sparing  of  the  lives  of  offenders,  wish- 
ing to  bestow  happiness  upon  all  his  subjects. 
His  majesty  is  visible  to  everybody  twice  in 
the  course  of  twenty-four  hours.  He  often 
appears  at  an  open  window,  and  from  thence 
receives  petitions  without  the  intervention  of 
any  person.  He  considers  an  equal  distribu- 
tion of  justice  and  the  happiness  of  his  sub- 
jects as  essential  to  his  own  felicity.” 

Making  every  allowance  for  the  obsequious- 
ness and  servility  of  an  Oriental  official,  it  is 
clear  that  Abul-fazl  is  here  describing  some- 
thing between  the  ideal  which  Akbar  really 
set  before  himself,  and  the  reality  which  he 

* This  is  by  no  means  true,  as  the  present  chapter  will  abundantly 
show. 


The  Mogtil  Emperors 


150 

attained.  The  ideal  was  nearly  the  highest 
possible.  Perhaps  no  ruler  but  Marcus 
Aurelius  has  had  a higher  one.  The  reality 
must  be  judged  by  the  practical  success  of 
his  plans.  I do  not  know  that  many  West- 
ern rulers  have  surpassed  him,  and  certainly 
no  Oriental  monarch  has  come  near  to  this 
excellence.* 

What,  then,  in  fact,  should  a benevolent 
and  wise  ruler  do  for  his  subjects  ? The  acts 
of  Akbar’s  government  ml^ht  almost  be  taken 
for  a model  of  practice,  just  as  Timur’s  Insti- 
tutes are  admirable  theory.  He  surveyed  the 

* Sher-Shah,  the  Afghan  king  who  drove  Humayun  from  Hin- 
dustan, and  whose  dynasty  was  in  its  turn  overthrown  by  Akbar, 
seems  to  have  originated  very  many  of  the  administrative  reforms 
which  are  usually  credited  to  Akbar  ; but  he  was  far  behind  him  in 
religious  toleration.  Akbar  was  fortunate  in  having  a great  min- 
ister of  finance,  Rajah  Todar  Mai,  who  had  learned  his  business 
under  Sher-Shah.  Abul-fazl  says  of  him,  that  “ for  honesty,  recti- 
tude, manliness,  knowledge  of  business,  and  administrative  skill, 
he  was  without  a rival.”  Two  of  Akbar’s  advisers,  then,  were  men 
of  the  very  highest  ability,  and  one  of  them,  Abul-fazl,  a wonder- 
fully liberal  and  elevated  statesman.  Mr.  Horace  Hayman  Wilson, 
in  Mill’s  declares  explicitly:  “Whatever  merit  there  may 

have  been  in  the  financial  arrangements  of  Akbar,  it  belonged  to 
the  Hindus  ” — that  is,  essentially  to  Rajah  Todar  Mai.  It  required 
a great  king  to  utilize  such  ministers. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


151 

land  and  divided  it  into  classes.  He  equalized 
the  taxes.  In  times  of  famine  and  distress 
he  partly  or  totally  remitted  them.  “His 
majesty  abolished  all  arbitrary  taxes.  He 
fixed  standard  measures  ; after  which  he  ascer- 
tained the  value  of  the  lands,  and  fixed  the 
revenue  accordingly.”  The  duties  on  manu- 
factures were  reduced  one-half  (to  five  per 
cent,).  The  complicated  and  unjust  systems 
of  official  fees  were  either  totally  abolished 
or  much  simplified,  and  the  officials  were 
usually  paid  by  the  state,  instead  of  extorting 
for  themselves  what  the  peasants  could  give 
and  yet  exist.  Full  statistics  were  collected, 
and  the  imposts  were  then  fixed  for  a period 
of  ten  years.  In  a thousand  ways  the  affairs 
of  the  state  were  settled  on  a definite  basis  of 
law,  instead  of  on  shifting  caprice.  There  is 
no  space  to  present  the  details  of  these  enact- 
ments. Perhaps  the  quickest  method  of 
exhibiting  them  will  be  to  give  brief  extracts 
from  the  “ instructions  for  the  officers.” 
These  were  the  actual  rules  by  which  the 
empire  was  administered,  at  least  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  reign. 


152 


The  Mogiil  Emperors 


The  Viceroy. — “ He  must  constantly  keep 
in  view  the  happiness  of  the  people  ; he  shall 
not  take  away  life  until  after  the  most  mature 
deliberation;  those  who  apply  for  justice,  let 
them  not  be  afflicted  with  delay ; let  him 
accept  the  excuse  of  the  penitent ; let  the 
roads  be  made  safe  ; let  him  consider  it  his 
duty  to  befriend  the  industrious  husbandman.” 

The  Cazi  (judge). — “ Divesting  himself  of 
partiality  and  avarice,  let  him  distinguish  the 
oppressor  from  the  oppressed,  and  act  accord- 
ingly.” 

The  Cooiwal  (a  kind  of  provost-marshal). — 
“ His  own  conduct  must  be  upright  and 
strictly  honest ; the  idle  he  shall  oblige  to 
learn  some  trade  ; upon  coins  short  of  weight 
he  shall  take  exactly  the  deficiency  (and  no 
more) ; he  shall  prohibit  the  drinking  of 
spirituous  liquors,  but  need  not  take  pains  to 
discover  what  men  do  in  secret ; he  shall  not 
allow  a widow  to  be  burned  contrary  to  her 
inclinations.” 

The  Collector  of  the  Revenues. — “ He  must 
consider  himself  the  immediate  friend  of  the 
husbandman  ; he  must  not  require  any  inter- 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  153 

mediary ; he  must  assist  the  needy  husband- 
man with  loans  of  money^  and  receive  payment 
at  distant  and  convenient  periods  ; he  must 
reward  skilful  management ; let  him  see  that 
his  demands  do  not  exceed  his  agreements  ; 
let  him  collect  the  revenue  with  kindness ; 
vexatious  taxes  must  not  be  exacted.” 

These  extracts  are  but  specimens  of  the 
formal  and  elaborate  instructions  given  to 
the  officials.  The  originals  of  some  of  these 
documents  exist  to-day.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  they  were  obeyed  in  a great 
degree.  At  all  events,  they  certainly  repre- 
sent the  ideal  towards  which  this  monarch 
strove. 

His  life  covered  the  years  a.d.  1542- 
1605.  Caesar  Borgia  was  but  just  dead. 
The  horrors  of  the  sack  of  Rome  had 
endured  for  seven  months  of  the  year  1527. 
Elizabeth  of  England  reigned  from  1558  to 
1603.  The  very  first  English  book  of  any 
scientific  value  (Robert  Recorde’s  Arith- 
metic) was  printed  in  1540.  The  Massacre 
of  St.  Bartholomew  was  in  1572.  The 
Spanish  Armada  was  defeated  in  1588. 


154 


The  Mogtil  Emperors 


Shakespeare’s  first  poem  was  printed  in 
1593.  Jordano  Bruno  was  burned  in  Rome 
in  1600.  The  first  treatise  on  the  law  of 
nations,  and  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act  were 
nearly  a century  later.  Witches  were  exe- 
cuted in  England  until  1712,  and  were 
burned  in  France  till  1718  ; in  Spain,  till 
1780.  Luther  {circa  1530)  had  personal 
encounters  with  the  devil.  When  Blaise 
Pascal  was  a year  old  he  was  bewitched,  and 
only  rescued  by  the  application  of  a plaster 
made  from  herbs  plucked  before  sunrise,  by 
a virgin  of  seven  years,  and  bruised  down 
with  the  blood  of  a cat  belongrino^  to  the 
sorceress  (1621).  Kepler’s  aunt  was  burned 
as  a witch,  and  he  had  the  greatest  difficulty 
in  saving  his  mother  from  the  same  fate 
(1620)  ; Kepler  himself,  the  leading  man  of 
science  in  central  Europe,  declared  that  the 
reality  of  witchcraft  could  not  be  denied.  He 
died  in  1630.  Russia,  France,  Spain,  Italy, 
Germany,  were  no  better  governed  than 
India.  It  might  very  well  be  debated  if 
the  actual  condition  of  the  English  people 
was  to  be  preferred  to  that  of  the  Hindus 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


155 


of  the  central  provinces  under  the  compara- 
tively mild  rule  of  Akbar.* 

Akbar  was  but  little  over  thirteen  years 
of  age  when  he  ascended  the  throne.  From 
this  time  until  he  was  eighteen,  he  remained 
under  the  tutelage  of  a great  noble,  Bairam 
Khan,  his  prime  minister  and  guardian. 
From  him  Akbar  learned  the  art  of  war  ; 
and  he  saw  in  daily  operation  the  rough  and 
ready  methods  of  government  which  were 
usual.  We  might  call  them  the  methods  of 
Timur.  They  were,  in  fact,  Timur’s  methods 
modified  by  the  progress  of  culture  and  chiv- 
alry under  intelligent  and  generous  princes 

* It  is  difficult  for  us  to  realize  the  veritable  condition  of  the 
peasantry  of  Europe  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century. 
If  it  should  seem  that  the  comparison  in  the  text  is  too  favorable 
to  India,  I beg  to  refer  to  a graphic  portrayal  of  the  wretched- 
ness of  the  peasants  of  France  a century  after  Akbar,  in  the 
Menioires  de  Saint-Simon,  year  lyog,  chapter  xxix.  The  misery 
of  1709  in  France  was  exceptional,  no  doubt.  But  Akbar’s  policy 
provided  for  exceptional  cases  by  distributing  food,  remitting 
taxes,  and  loaning  money.  In  this  connection  reference  may 
also  be  made  to  Feillet,  Histoire  du  Paupcrisme,  and  to  La 
Bniyere’s  famous  paragraph  on  the  French  peasants,  in  his  chapter 
De  V Homme.  The  facts  for  England  are  to  be  found  in  Professor 
Thorold  Rogers’  History  of  Prices,  and  some  conclusions  therefrom 
in  the  Nineteenth  Century  for  June,  1893,  page  932. 


156  The  Mogul  Emperors 

like  Babar  and  Humayun.  There  is  little 
doubt  that  Akbar’s  reflections  on  these 
methods  impressed  upon  him  at  least  one 
grave  defect.  If  he  were  to  rule  in  India,  it 
was  essential  to  be  at  peace  with  the  great 
Hindu  chiefs.*  This  could  not  be  unless  the 
old  political  methods  were  made  more  liberal. 
Moreover,  the  fundamental  law  of  every 
Muhammadan  empire  was  the  law  of  the 
Kuran,  interpreted,  be  it  remembered,  by 
bigots. 

o 

It  was  clear  that  the  millions  of  Hindus 
could  not  be  ruled  by  such  a code.  Political 
and  religious  toleration  were  therefore  forced 
upon  Akbar,  and  he  became  convinced  that 
the  old  methods  must  be  greatly  changed. 
It  is  probable  that  Bairam  Khan  did  not  share 
these  views  ; it  is,  at  any  rate,  certain,  that 
the  harem  intrigued  against  him.  In  his 
eighteenth  year  Akbar  dismissed  Bairam 
(sending  him  on  the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca, 
pardoning  his  outbreak  into  rebellion,  and 
treating  him  with  considerate  generosity),  and 

* There  were  nearly  a hundred  Hindu  princes,  many  of  them 
very  powerful. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  157 

assumed  the  sole  authority.  From  this  year 
(1560)  Akbar  ruled  alone.  Until  the  eigh- 
teenth year  of  his  reign  (1573)  he  was  per- 
petually occupied  in  suppressing  rebellion,  or 
in  conquering  new  provinces ; and  it  was  not 
until  then  that  his  vast  possessions  were 
reduced  to  an  orderly  empir'.  These  early 
years  were  necessarily  years  of  strife  and  of 
successful  military  activity. 

Abul-fazl  came  to  his  court  in  1574,  at  the 
end  of  this  first  period.  Up  to  this  time 
Akbar  had  been  a good  Muslim,  making 
pilgrimages,  and  circumambulating  the  tombs 
of  saints.  This  second  period  of  his  reign 
(1574-1605),  though  not  free  from  wars  and 
rebellions,  is  chiefly  memorable  for  its  peace- 
ful triumphs. 

“ His  majesty,  who  knows  what  high  regard 
is  due  to  approved  customs  of  antiquity,  is 
continually  endeavoring  to  make  himself 
acquainted  with  them  ; and  then,  regardless 
of  who  was  the  institutor,  he  adopts  such 
as  appear  proper.” 

Toleration  of  the  Hindu  and  Persian  here- 
tics was,  particularly  in  the  latter  part  of  his 


158  The  Mogiil  Emperors 

reign,  the  keynote  of  Akbar’s  political  con- 
duct. As  Abul-fazl  well  says,  “ Religious 
persecution,  after  all,  defeats  its  own  ends  ; 
it  obliges  men  to  conceal  their  opinions,  but 
produces  no  change  in  them.”  In  the  flowery 
language  of  the  Thousand  and  One  Nights, 
this  principle  deserves  to  be  “ written  with 
needle-gravers  on  the  corners  of  the  eye-balls, 
as  a Warner  to  whoso  will  be  warned.” 

His  early  toleration  in  religious  matters 
was  succeeded  by  the  establishment  of  an 
eclectic  religion  in  which  Akbar  himself 
represented  Deity  much  as  the  Roman 
emperors  had  done.  The  sun,  as  the  symbol 
of  celestial  power,  was  worshipped  daily  by  the 
ruler,  while  the  people  saluted  the  emperor 
as  the  representative  of  that  power  on  earth. 
Abul-fazl  has  various  references  to  “ The 
Divine  Faith,”  or  the  “ Divine  Monotheism,” 
as  the  new  belief  was  called,  and  I purpose  to 
extract  a few  of  them. 

There  is  nothinsf  more  curious  in  human 
history  than  the  formation  of  a creed.  It 
must  not  rudely  reject  all  the  beliefs  of  the 
past,  but  it  may  modify  them  so  as  to  meet 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  159 

the  demands  of  the  present.  “ The  Divine 
Faith  ” was  prosperous  under  Akbar,  and  it 
survived  for  a while  under  his  immediate 
successor,  but  it  died  a natural  death  as  time 
went  on  ; and  India  was  left  under  the  sway 
of  its  manifold  native  sects  and  of  little- 
altered  Islamism. 

Four  times  daily  the  emperor  returned 
thanks  to  the  Deity — at  daybreak,  at  noon,  at 
sunset,  and  at  midnight.  “ All  these  grand 
mysteries  are  in  honor  of  God  ; and  if  ignorant 
people  cannot  comprehend  their  meaning,  who 
is  to  be  blamed  ? Every  one  is  sensible  that 
it  is  our  duty  to  praise  our  benefactor,  and 
consequently  to  praise  this  Fountain  of  Light, 
the  Sun,  and  more  especially  behoveth  it 
princes  so  to  do,  seeing  that  this  sovereign 
of  the  heavens  sheddeth  his  divine  influence 
upon  the  monarchs  of  the  earth.  His 
majesty  has  also  great  veneration  for  fire  in 
general,  and  for  lamps,  since  they  are  to  be 
accounted  rays  of  the  greater  light.”  Once 
a year,  near  the  vernal  equinox,  fire  was 
brought  down  from  heaven  by  a crystal  lens, 
and  “ this  celestial  fire  was  committed  to  the 


i6o 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


care  of  proper  persons  ” (Abul-fazl  himself 
being  the  chief  of  these)  ; “ and  when  the 
year  expires  they  catch  new  fire.”  Huge 
candles  of  camphor,  in  candlesticks  of  massy 
gold  and  silver,  lighted  the  emperor’s  camp 
by  night.  So  minutely  were  his  affairs  regu- 
lated, that  the  number  of  flambeaux  in  the 
palace  (fire-pots  of  torches)  was  regulated 
by  the  age  of  the  moon.  At  new  moon 
eight  flambeaux  were  lighted ; from  the 
fourth  to  the  tenth  day,  one  less  was  burned 
each  night,  so  that  on  the  tenth  day  one  was 
sufficient,  and  so  on  throughout  the  lunation. 
The  very  quantity  of  oil  and  rags  per  torch 
was  specified. 

Again  he  says.  Of  Spiritual  Guidance,  that 
“ by  the  decrees  of  God  mankind  are  in 
general  disposed  to  applaud  their  own 
actions,  and  to  condemn  those  of  others  ; ” 
“ thus  different  bodies  of  men  bold  different 
beliefs,  and  amuse  themselves  with  their 
respective  dreams  and  illusions.”  “ Some- 
times, through  the  good  fortune  of  mankind, 
the  truth  may  be  revealed.  When  a private 
person  arrives  at  such  a degree  of  knowledge. 


Shall  Akbar  the  Great 


i6i 


he  keeps  silence  from  the  dread  of  savage 
beasts  in  human  forms  ; but  if  this  light  is 
given  to  an  emperor,  as  the  astrologers 
knew  that  it  was  given  to  Akbar,”  then, 
indeed,  is  fit  occasion  to  speak.  “ His 
majesty  did,  however,  for  some  time,  cast  a 
veil  over  this  mystery,  that  it  might  not  be 
known  to  strangers.” 

Finally  he  proclaimed  his  divine  attributes, 
and  his  miraculous  power  was  manifested 
in  various  ways  ; those  who  came  near  him 
increased  in  knowledge,  and  the  poor  and 
needy  loved  him.  He  foretold  the  future 
and  cured  diseases.  “ His  majesty  instructs 
others  as  circumstances  may  require ; and 
many,  according  to  their  capacities,  are 
recreated  with  sublime  discourses.”  But, 
says  the  courtier,  this  is  not  the  proper 
place  for  giving  a full  account  of  the  manner 
in  which  he  instructs  mankind,  nor  of  the 
numerous  miracles  he  has  performed.  Should 
my  life  be  sufficiently  prolonged,  and  should  I 
have  leisure  enough,  it  is  my  intention  to 
compose  a volume  on  this  interesting  sub- 
ject. 


i62 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


It  is  plain  that  the  good  Abul-fazl  was 
willing  to  postpone  his  promised  volume, 
and  it  is  clear  enough  that  “ the  Divine 
Faith”  had  no  real  interior  vitality.  This 
relig-ion  was  too  much  based  on  reasonincjs. 
There  were  no  mighty  miracles  and  signs 
manifest  upon  which  to  rest  it.  The  “ mir- 
acles ” ascribed  to  Akbar  are  poor  and  cheap 
affairs.  “ Faith  is  believing  what  is  not 
true,”  as  the  little  school-child  wrote.  Akbar 
did  not  make  sufficient  demands  on  the  credu- 
lity of  his  sectaries.  They  acquiesced  in  his 
lordship  ; they  rejoiced  in  the  sunshine  of  his 
favor ; they  prospered  under  his  just  and  even 
rule.  The  state  religion  endured  under  him, 
and  under  his  immediate  successor  ; but  even 
the  emperors  held  it  lightly,  and  admitted 
Jesuits  and  Mollahs  to  open  debates  in  their 
presence,  and  proposed  to  put  the  power  of 
prayer  to  physical  tests. 

Akbar’s  toleration  is  well  summed  up  in 
an  inscription  written  by  Abul-fazl  for  one 
of  the  temples  of  Cashmere  : 


Oh  God,  in  every  temple  I see  people  that  see  Thee,  and  in  every 
language  I hear  spoken,  people  praise  Thee. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


163 


Polytheism  and  Islam  feel  after  Thee. 

Each  religion  says.  Thou  art  One,  without  equal. 

If  it  be  a mosque , people  murmur  the  holy  prayer ; and  if  it  be  a 
Christian  church,  people  ring  the  bell  from  love  to  Thee. 

Sometimes  I frequent  the  Christian  cloister,  and  sometimes  the 
mosque. 

But  it  is  Thou  whom  I seek  from  temple  to  temple. 

Thy  elect  have  no  dealings  with  heresy  nor  with  orthodoxy ; for 
neither  of  these  stands  behind  the  screen  of  Thy  truth. 

Heresy  to  the  heretic,  and  religion  to  the  orthodox. 

But  the  dust  of  the  rose-petal  belongs  to  the  heart  of  the  perfume- 
seller. 


The  foregoing  account  is  mostly  drawn 
from  Abul-fazl’s  book  of  the  Regulations  of 
Akbar.  I have  not  been  willing  to  inter- 
rupt its  orderly  flow  with  commentaries  from 
the  other  native  historians  of  the  reign,  but 
have  preferred  to  present  extracts  from  their 
various  accounts  together  in  one  place. 

The  Emperor  Jahangir  gives  us  this  por- 
trait of  Akbar,  his  father,  in  his  Memoirs. 
It  would  seem  to  be  of  the  highest  authority. 
He  says  : “ My  father  used  to  hold  discourse 
with  learned  men  of  all  persuasions  ; though 
he  was  illiterate,  yet,  from  constantly  convers- 
ing with  learned  and  clever  persons,  his 
language  was  so  polished  that  no  one  could 


164 


The  Mog7il  Emperors 


discover  from  his  conversation  that  he  was 
entirely  uneducated.  He  understood  the 
elegancies  of  poetry  and  prose  so  well,  that 
it  is  impossible  to  conceive  of  any  one  more 
proficient.”  I had  read  this  description  a 
great  many  times,  and  failed  to  reconcile 
entire  illiteracy  with  the  possession  of  deli- 
cate critical  faculties,  when  I found  what  I 
suppose  to  be  a solution.  Akbar  ascended  the 
throne  at  the  age  of  thirteen,  after  a youth 
full  of  accidents  and  perils  and  vicissitudes. 
From  a paragraph  in  the  history  of  Mir 
Yahya  Masum,  whose  son  was  chosen  to  be 
his  preceptor  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign, 
it  appears  that  “ at  that  time  the  prince 
knew  not  how  to  read  and  write.”  The  very 
phrase  “ at  that  time  ” indicates  that  he  sub- 
sequently became  “ literate.  ” And  J ahangir’s 
description  probably  means  no  more  than 
that  his  father  was  not  educated  in  his  youth, 
which  is  not  surprising,  considering  the  events 
of  the  last  years  of  Humayun’s  troubled 
reiofn.  This  instructor  of  Akbar’s — Mir  Ab- 
dullatif — was  the  first  to  teach  him  the  prin- 
ciple of  peace-iuith-alE'  a doctrine  which 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


165 

was  then  definite  enough  to  have  a special 
name.  In  Akbar’s  sixteenth  year  he  had 
another  tutor,  and  read  with  him  “poems  in 
mystic  language.” 

A highly  educated  youth  in  those  days 
would  read  and  write  Arabic,  understand 
its  grammar  and  its  rules  of  poetic  com- 
position. Large  portions  of  the  Kuran  he 
would  know  by  heart.  Persian  would  be 
his  mother-tongue,  and  he  would  be  able  to 
repeat  nearly  the  whole  of  the  poems  of  Hafiz 
and  Saadi,  and  many  verses  from  Firdausi. 
He  would  be  familiar  with  the  biographies  of 
kings  and  princes.  He  would  know  a little 
mathematics  and  astronomy  and  somewhat  of 
music.  The  descendants  of  Timur  kept  up  a 
knowledge  of  the  Turki  language  certainly  as 
late  as  the  time  of  Jahangir,  who  could  com- 
pose in  Turki.* 

“Akbar  was  of  middling  stature,  but  with  a 
tendency  to  be  tall ; wheat-color  complexion, 
rather  dark  than  fair;  black  eyes  and  eye- 


* For  an  amusing  sketch  of  a perfect  education,  the  reader 
should  refer  to  the  tale  of  Abu-al-IIusn  and  his  slave-girl  Tawad- 
dud  in  I.ady  Burton’s  Arabian  Nights,  vol,  iii.,  p.  277. 


1 66  The  Mogul  Emperors 

brows  ; stout  body  ; open  forehead  and  chest ; 
long  arms  and  hands.  ...  He  had  a very 
loud  voice;  and  a very  elegant  and  pleasant 
way  of  speech.  His  manners  and  habits  were 
quite  different  from  those  of  other  persons, 
and  his  visage  was  full  of  godly  dignity,” — so 
says  his  son  Jahangir. 

Like  his  ancestors,  Akbar  was  an  eager 
hunter.  In  one  day  he  personally  slew  six- 
teen of  the  swift  wild  asses  of  the  desert.  He 
ornamented  the  mile-posts  near  Agra  with 
“ some  hundreds  of  thousands  of  the  horns  of 

stag's”  which  had  been  killed  in  his  hunts. 

<_> 

He  once  rode  two  hundred  and  twenty  miles 
within  forty-eight  hours.  “ His  history  is 
filled  with  instances  of  romantic  courage, 
and  he  seems  to  have  been  stimulated  by  an 
instinctive  love  of  danger  as  often  as  by  any 
rational  motive.”  He  perfectly  fulfilled  the 
ideals  of  personal  chivalry  which  were  current 
in  his  day.  These  ideals  had  their  sources 
among  the  Arabs,  and  in  India  they  were 
modified  by  the  Rajput  standards  of  military 
valor — no  mean  origin  and  descent.  The 

o 

following  instances  of  chivalry  and  loyalty 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  167 

show  how  fully  these  ideals  were  carried  out 
in  practice  by  the  Turki  warriors.  One  of 
Timur’s  sons  (Jahangir)  was  pursuing  Kum- 
mer  Addyn  and  overtook  him.  A soldier 
threw  himself  forward  and  in  a tone  of 
authority  cried  out,  “/  am  Kummer  Addyn,” 
— and  perished  in  his  master’s  stead. 

Oasim  Kokah  and  Babar  were  taken 
prisoners  by  an  Uzbeg  Khan.  Qasim  an- 
nounced that  he  was  Babar,  and  was  cut  to 
pieces,  leaving  Babar  to  escape.  Bairam 
Khan,  a high  officer  of  Humayun’s  (and  the 
guardian  of  young  Akbar),  was  surprised  by 
an  enemy.  Abul  Qasim,  a man  of  imposing 
stature,  was  mistaken  for  Bairam,  and  was 
about  to  be  killed,  when  the  latter  stepped 
forward  and  said  in  a manly  voice,  “ I am 
Bairam.”  “No,”  said  Abul  Qasim,  “he  is 
only  my  attendant ; and,  brave  and  faithful 
as  he  is,  he  wishes  to  sacrifice  himself  for  me. 
So  let  him  off.”  It  was  so.  Abul  was  slain, 
and  his  over-lord  Bairam  escaped. 

Akbar  captured  the  strong  castle  of  Chitor 
after  a heroic  defence  by  Rajah  Jeimall 
(whom  Akbar  shot  with  his  favorite  gun 


1 68  The  Mogul  Emperors 

named  Sangrani)  and  his  brother.  To  honor 
the  extraordinary  valor  of  these  high-born 
adversaries,  Akbar  set  up  their  statues, 
mounted  on  elephants,  at  the  gates  of  his 
royal  city  of  Delhi.  Says  Bernier,  “These 
two  huge  elephants,  mounted  by  the  two 
heroes,  are  full  of  grandeur,  and  fill  me  with 
indescribable  awe  and  respect.” 

One  more  instance  must  suffice.  To  sup- 
press a dangerous  revolt,  Akbar  marched 
an  army  of  three  thousand  men  four  hundred 
and  fifty  miles  in  nine  days,  in  the  rainy 
season,  and  completely  surprised  the  rebel 
army  (which  was  much  larger  than  his  own) 
sleeping  in  their  tents.  The  few  who  were 
alert  could  not  believe  that  they  saw  the 
emperor,  since  there  were  no  wmr  elephants 
in  his  train.  “The  feeling  ran  through  the 
royal  ranks  that  it  was  unmanly  to  fall  upon 
an  enemy  unawares,  and  that  they  would  wait 
until  he  was  roused.”  Akbar  accordingly 
ordered  the  trumpeters  to  sound  the  onset ; 
the  rebel  army  prepared  for  action,  and  was 
routed  and  overwhelmed. 

While  Jahangir,  the  son  of  Akbar,  was 


Shall  Akbar  the  Great 


169 


yet  the  heir-apparent,  his  tendency  to  cruel 
punishments  had  begun  to  show  itself.  In 
all  matters  of  state  he  was  ever  inexorable 
and  relentless.  On  one  occasion  he  ordered 
a servant,  who  had  joined  a conspiracy 
against  his  life,  to  be  flayed  alive.  When 
this  came  to  the  ears  of  his  father,  whose 
policy  in  such  cases  was  usually  so  very 
different,  and  whose  nature  was  kind,  he 
wrote  his  son  a severe  letter,  reprobating  his 
conduct,  and  saying  that  as  he  himself  was 
unable  to  see  even  a sheep  stripped  of  its 
skin  without  horror,  it  was  inconceivable  to 
him  how  his  son  could  inflict  such  an  awful 
punishment  upon  a fellow  creature.  Akbar 
could  be  very  brief  and  peremptory,  how- 
ever, upon  occasion.  To  a dilatory  envoy 
he  sent  this  letter : “If  thou  dost  not  return 
to  court  with  Asad,  thou  shalt  see  what  will 
happen  to  thee  and  to  thy  children.”  Vari- 
ous anecdotes  show  that  he  had  a violent, 
though  not  a vindictive,  temper.*  His 
clemency  was  of  very  gradual  growth. 


See  Herbert’s  Travels,  edition  of  1638,  p.  71. 


170  The  Mogul  Einperors 

“ The  emperor  used  to  retire  after  even- 
ing prayers,  during  which  time  the  serv- 
ants dispersed,  assembling  again  when  they 
expected  his  majesty  to  reappear.  That 
evening  he  happened  to  come  out  earlier 
than  usual.  He  saw  a luckless  lamplighter 
coiled  up  in  a careless  sleep.  Enraged  at 
the  sight,  he  ordered  him  to  be  thrown  from 
the  tower,  and  he  was  dashed  into  a thousand 
pieces.”  The  officers  on  guard  were  dis- 
graced and  their  places  given  to  others.  We 
have  this  story  from  one  of  the  latter.  In 
the  twelfth  year  of  his  reign  eight  thousand 
Rajputs  were  slaughtered  after  the  surrender 
at  Chitor ; in  the  seventeenth  he  ordered  the 
tongue  of  a captive  to  be  cut  out ; in  the 
eighteenth  he  raised  a pyramid  of  two  thou- 
sand heads  in  the  fashion  of  Timur ; and  in 
various  portions  of  his  earlier  reign  he 
sanctioned,  or  directly  ordered,  barbarous 
punishments  and  torture.  This  was  before 
he  had  come  under  the  influence  of  Abul- 
fazl,  and  while  he  was  still  a young  man. 

But  for  every  such  act  of  violence,  a score 
of  wise  and  humane  enactments  can  be  cited. 


Shah  Ahbar  the  Great 


I/T 

In  the  seventh  year  of  his  reign  it  was  decreed 
that  the  wives  and  children  of  soldiers  cap- 
tured in  war  should  no  longer  be  made  slaves  ; 
in  the  eighth  the  onerous  taxes  on  pilgrims 
were  removed  ; in  the  ninth  the  poll-tax  on  un- 
believers (a  mighty  multitude)  was  abolished ; * 
in  the  twenty-fifth  a full  census  of  all  the 
inhabitants  (giving  names  and  occupations) 
was  made,  in  order  to  equalize  the  inci- 
dence of  taxation  ; in  the  twenty-eighth  the 
obligatory  siittee  was  abolished,  and  Akbar 
himself  broke  up  the  custom  by  his  per- 
sonal presence ; these,  among  many  other 
instances,  may  be  cited. 

“ He  was  a powerful,  world-subduing  mon- 
arch, the  very  emblem  of  justice.  His  object 
was  to  unite  all  men  in  a common  bond  of 

* A century  before  Akbar’s  time  the  Muhammadan  ruler  of 
Cashmere— Ali  Shah— had  anticipated  many  of  Akbar’s  reforms  in 
dealing  with  his  Hindu  subjects.  He  abolished  the  hated  tax  on 
infidels,  forbade  the  slaughter  of  oxen,  and  was,  besides,  an  ardent 
patron  of  learning  and  of  the  arts.  These  and  other  like  matters 
were  familiar  to  Akbar  through  verbal  reports  and,  after  the  twelfth 
year  of  his  reign,  through  the  translation  of  the  history  of  Cashmere 
which  Faizi  was  preparing.  The  doctrine  of  universal  toleration, 
too,  was  no  new  thing  in  India.  During  the  whole  of  the  six- 
teenth century  it  was  preached  and  practised  by  the  Sikhs. 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


I 72 

peace.”  He  strove  to  be  the  king  of  all  his 
subjects.  He  maintained  four  hundred  and 
fifteen  Mansebdars — commanders  of  horse. 
Of  these,  fifty-one  were  Hindus,  the  rest 
Moguls,  Usbeks,  Afghans,  Turks,  and  Per- 
sians. Shah  Jahan  had  six  hundred  and  nine 
Mansebdars,  of  whom  one  hundred  and  ten 
were  Hindus,  It  was  simply  impossible  to 
govern  these  chiefs  and  their  followers  by 
the  rigid  law  of  Islam.  Tolerance  was  a 
political  necessity.  As  Lord  Tennyson  has 
said  in  the  notes  to  his  poem  of  Akbars 
Dream,  “ His  tolerance  of  religion,  and  his 
abhorrence  of  religious  persecutions,  put  our 
Tudors  to  shame.” 

The  most  interesting  incidents  of  his  reign 
are  connected  with  the  foundation  of  “the 
Divine  Monotheism,”  His  chief  adviser  in 
this  step  was  his  wazir  Abul-fazl. 

Shaikh  Mubarak,  a distinguished  and  lib- 
eral-minded scholar,  had  two  yet  more  distin- 
oruished  and  liberal-minded  sons — P^aizi  the 

o 

poet  (born  1547),  and  Abul-fazl  the  writer, 
the  statesman,  and  the  prime  minister  of 
Akbar  (born  1551).  It  is  necessary  to  know 


Shah  A kbar  the  Great  1 73 

something  of  this  family,  whose  influence 
was  predominant  during  the  larger  part 
of  Akbar’s  life.  Faizi  was  first  intro- 
duced at  court  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Akbar’s 
reign,  and  became  his  friend  and  favorite. 
Abul-fazl  came  six  years  later,  in  1574,  when 
Akbar,  now  thirty-two  years  old,  began  to 
have  some  respite  from  his  incessant  wars 
and  expeditions.  Shaikh  Mubarak  was  bred 
an  orthodox  Stmni,  had  become,  more  or  less, 
a Shza,  and  had  investigated  the  various 
religions  of  India  and  of  Persia. 

Faizi’s  poems  often  turn  on  religious  ques- 
tions, which  are  sometimes  treated  mystically, 
but  frequently  in  a spirit  of  simple  devotion. 
Like  all  poets,  he  deals  with  the  universal 
passion  of  love ; but,  as  with  other  Ori- 
entals, it  is  the  beautiful  boy  who  is  the 
beloved.  Abul-fazl  promises  at  some  future 
time  to  give  a critical  edition  of  Faizi’s 
verses;*  “but  now,”  he  says,  “but  now,  it  is 
brotherly  love— a love  which  does  not  travel 
along  the  road  of  critical  nicety — that  com- 
mands me  to  write  down  some  of  his  verses.” 


*■  A promise  which  he  redeemed. 


174 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


I shall  copy  a few  of  the  many  extracts  so 
given,  partly  to  illustrate  the  nature  of  the 
poetry  of  the  age,  partly  to  exhibit  the  char- 
acter of  the  poet,  and  that  of  the  emperor 
who  admired  and  loved  him. 

These  verses  are  from  Faizi’s  Odes: 

Oh  Thou  who  cxistest  from  Eternily,  and  abide st  forever,  sight 
cannot  bear  Thy  light,  praise  cannot  express  Thy  perfection. 

Thy  light  melts  the  understanding,  and  Thy  glory  baffles  wisdom; 

to  think  of  Thee  destroys  reason  ; Thy  essence  confounds  thought. 
Science  is  like  blinding  desert  sand  on  the  road  to  Thy  perfection; 
the  town  of  Literature  is  a mere  hamlet  compared  with  the 
world  of  Thy  knowledge. 

Human  knowledge  and  thought  combined  can  only  spell  the  first 
letter  of  the  alphabet  of  Thy  love. 

Each  brain  is  full  of  the  thought  of  grasping  Thee ; the  brow  of 
Plato  even  burned  with  the  fever  heat  of  this  hopeless  thought. 


Oh  man,  thou  coin  bearing  the  double  stamp  of  body  and  spirit,  I 
do  not  know  what  thy  nature  is;  for  thou  art  higher  than 
heaven  and  lower  than  earth. 

Thy  frame  contains  the  image  of  the  heavenly  and  the  lower  regions  ; 
be  either  heavenly  or  earthly,  thou  art  at  liberty  to  choose. 

Do  not  act  against  thy  reason , for  it  is  a trustworthy  counsellor ; 
pul  not  thy  heart  on  illusions,  for  the  heart  is  a lying  fool. 

Be  ashamed  of  thy  appearatice  ; for  thou  pridest  thyself  on  the 
title  of  sum-total  f and  art  yet  but  a marginal  note. 

If  thou  wishest  to  tmderstand  the  secret  meaning  of  the  phrase  "to 
prefer  the  welfare  of  others  to  thy  own,"  treat  thyself  with  poison 
and  others  with  sugar. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


1/5 


My  dear  Son,  consider  how  short  the  time  is  that  the  star  of  good 
fortune  revolves  according  to  thy  wish;  Fate  shows  no  friend- 
ship. 

The  companion  of  my  loneliness  is  my  comprehensive  genius ; the 
scratching  of  my  pen  is  harmony  for  my  ear. 

If  I were  to  bring  forth  what  is  in  my  mind,  I wonder  whether 
the  spirit  of  the  age  could  bear  it. 

The  following  couplets  are  from  the 
Ghazals  : 

It  were  better  if  I melted  my  heart,  and  laid  the  foundation  for  a 
new  one  ; I have  too  often  patiently  patched  up  my  torn  heart. 


Although  life  far  from  thee  is  an  apprroach  to  death,  yet  to  stand  at 
a distance  is  a mark  of  courtesy. 


I cannot  show  ungratefulness  to  Love.  Has  he  not  overwhelmed  me 
with — sadness  and  sadness? 


I cannot  understand  the  juggler-trick  which  love  performed ; it 
introduced  Thy  form  through  so  small  an  aperture  as  the  pupil 
of  my  eye,  into  the  large  space  of  my  heart,  and  yet  my  heart 
cannot  contain  it. 


The  most  wonderful  thing  I have  seen  is  Faizi’s  heart ; it  is  at 
once  the  pearl,  the  ocean,  and  the  diver. 

This  verse  from  the  Rubais  goes  very  far 
in  flattery  of  the  emperor : 


The  J\Iog2il  Empcroi's 


1/6 

Jf  you  Xi’ish  to  see  the  path  of  guidance  as  I have  done,  you  vuill 
never  see  it  without  having  seen  the  king. 

Thy  old-fashioned  prostration  is  of  no  advantage  to  thee — see 
A kbar  and  you  see  God. 

Akbar  had  been,  in  all  outward  respects  at 
least,  a good  Muslim  up  to  the  year  1574, 
making  pilgrimages  to  the  tombs  of  saints, 
etc.*  Unquestionably  his  mind  had  been 
revolvincj  relimous  doubts  for  some  time 
previous.  The  influence  of  Abul-fazl  seems 
to  have  confirmed  Akbar’s  disposition,  and  to 
have  stimulated  definite  inquiry. 

Shah  Nawaz  Khan  (born  1699),  a standard 
authority,  says  of  him  that  “ It  has  often 
been  asserted  that  Abul-fazl  was  an  infidel  ; 
it  is  more  just  to  say  that  he  was  a pan- 
theist. There  is  no  doubt  that  he  was  a 
man  of  lofty  character,  and  desired  to  live 
at  peace  with  all  men.”  He  was  magnani- 
mous to  his  enemies ; he  was  pure  in  his 
mind ; he  was  incorruptibly  honest  in  the 
public  service.  Abul-fazl  was  an  elegant 
writer.  “His  pen  was  more  feared  than 

* In  the  twelfth  year  of  his  reign  he  destroyed  or  mutilated 
the  fine  monuments  dl  Chitor,  partly  for  political  reasons,  no 
doubt ; but  partly,  also,  for  religious  ones. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


177 


Akbar’s  arrow.”  He  was  an  excellent  ad- 
ministrator, a loyal  and  devoted  subject,  a 
liberal  patron,  a considerate  friend.  A large 
share  of  the  glory  of  Akbar’s  reign  is  directly 
due  to  him.  Such  a king  deserved  such  a 
wazir. 

Bedauni  (one  of  the  emperor’s  histori- 
ans, and  a man  of  learning)  says  of  Abul-fazl, 
that  Akbar  “ looked  upon  him  more  favor- 
ably than  he  did  upon  me  ; ” that  Abul-fazl 
“ ingratiated  himself  by  his  unremitting 
devotion  to  the  king’s  service,  by  his  tem- 
porizing disposition,  by  his  duplicity,  by  his 
study  of  the  king’s  sentiments,  and  by  his 
boundless  flattery.”  Abul-fazl’s  flattery  was 
boundless  at  times,  but  not  more  so  than  the 
habit  of  the  age  demanded.  He  was  never 
silly  about  it,  like  the  courtier  who  told  Le 
Roi-Soleil  that  the  rain  at  Marly  was  not  wet. 
Abul-fazl’s  fortunes  (deservedly)  rose  till  he 
became  zuazir.  “ But  poor  I,”  says  Bedauni, 
“ from  my  inexperience  and  simplicity,  could 
not  manage  to  advance  myself.”  “ I do  not 
like  my  position,  and  should  be  glad  to  be  in 
any  other.”  He  himself  was  much  to  blame 

T2 


178 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


for  his  ill-fortune,  as  he  made  enemies  right 
and  left,  and  was  so  foolish  as  to  be  absent 
from  his  duties  for  a long  time  without  a 
leave.  The  king  did  not  like  him  (though 
his  learning  was  doubtless  appreciated),  and 
on  one  occasion  spoke  harshly  to  him  at 
court.  “ From  that  day,”  Bedauni  says,  “ I 
have  abandoned  my  presumptuous  and  con- 
troversial manner.”  Both  Abul-fazl  and  his 
distinguished  brother  Faizi  were  constantly 
kind  to  Bedauni  for  a space  of  forty  years. 
He  was  never  tired  of  reviling  them,  partly, 
no  doubt,  from  sheer  envy  of  their  success. 
It  is  only  fair  to  say,  however,  that  he  was  a 
truly  devout  Muhammadan,  and  that  his 
religious  beliefs  were  daily  outraged  by  the 
doings  and  sayings  of  these  free-thinking 
heretics. 

Poor  Bedauni  was  set  (much  against  his 
will)  to  translate  the  Maha-BJiarata  for  the 
emperor’s  library.  What  a task  for  a true 
believer!  “The  consequence  was,  that  I 
translated  two  sections,  at  the  puerile  ab- 
surdities of  which  the  creation  may  well 
be  amazed.  Such  injunctions  as  one  never 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  179 

heard  of  ! What  not  to  eat,  and  a prohibition 
against  turnips!”  “ But  such  is  my  fate — to 
be  employed  on  such  works  ! ” “ Abul-fazl 

wrote  the  preface.  Allah  defend  us  from 
his  infidelities  and  absurdities!”  Bedauni 
also  translated  the  Ramayana,  spending  four 
years  in  the  task.  He  seems  to  have  been 
better  pleased  with  this  work,  for,  when  he 
presented  the  complete  book,  “ it  was  greatly 
praised.”  We  learn  that  a Jesuit  from  Goa 
translated  many  Greek  treatises  for  the 
emperor’s  library. 

The  Ain-i-Akbari  of  Abul-fazl  presents 
the  history  of  Akbar’s  change  of  religious 
opinions  from  the  view-point  of  one  who  was 
himself  high-priest  of  the  new  religion.  The 
■wazir  of  Akbar  puts  the  most  favorable  con- 
struction upon  every  circumstance. 

The  native  historians  also  contain  many 
references  to  the  establishment  of  the  Divine 
Faith,  and  the  more  important  extracts  shall 
be  copied  here.  Professor  Blochmann’s 
edition  of  Abul-fazl’s  work  devotes  a long 
note  of  fifty  pages  to  a history  of  Akbar’s 
religious  views.  It  is  very  largely  composed 


i8o  The  Mogul  Einperors 

of  extracts  from  Bedauni ; and  these  extracts 
are  carefully  arranged  in  chronological  order. 
Bedauni  was  certainly  a prejudiced  witness 
and  a disappointed  courtier;  but  he  was,  no 
less  certainly,  a man  of  intelligence,  learning, 
and  couraore.  Allowance  should  be  made  for 

O 

his  bias  ; but  his  testimony  deserves  the  most 
careful  attention.  I shall  extract  from  Pro- 
fessor Blochmann’s  translation  of  Bedauni 
the  most  significant  paragraphs,  in  order  to 
present  both  sides  of  a most  important  ques- 
tion. Akbar  is  too  great  a man  to  need  any 
praise  that  is  not  his  just  due. 

“ It  was  during  these  days  (a.d.  1574)  that 
Abul-fazl  came  the  second  time  to  court. 
He  laid  before  the  emperor  (as  a present) 
a commentary  on  (one  of  the  verses  of  the 
Kuran)  ; and,  though  people  said  that  it  had 
been  written  by  his  father,  Abul-fazl  was 
much  praised.” 

Bedauni  now  gives  an  account  of  the  per- 
secutions to  which  Abul-fazl  and  his  two  sons 
had  been  subjected  in  the  early  years  of 
Akbar’s  reign.  They  were  not  orthodox 
Sunnis,  and  they  had  been  obliged  to  fly  for 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


i8i 


their  lives  and  to  keep  in  hiding  for  safety. 
Faizi  had  been  called  to  court  as  a poet,  and 
had  been  received  graciously  on  that  account, 
as  has  been  said.  His  influence  over  Akbar 
grew  rapidly  and  surely  ; and  soon  his  father 
and  his  younger  brother  were  high  in  Akbar’s 
favor  througfh  their  own  merits  and  on  his 
introduction.  They  did  not  persecute  their 
early  enemies. 

“During  the  year  1575  many  places  of 
worship  were  built  by  command  of  his  maj- 
esty. The  cause  was  this.  For  many  years 
previously  the  emperor  had  gained  remark- 
able and  decisive  victories.  The  empire  had 
grown  in  extent  from  day  to  day  ; everything 
had  turned  out  well.  His  majesty  had  thus 
leisure  . . . and  passed  much  of  his 

time  in  discussing  the  Kuran  and  the  Tradi- 
tions. Sufism,  scientific  discussions,  inquiries 
into  philosophy  and  law,  were  the  order  of 
the  day.  His  majesty  passed  whole  nights 
in  thoughts  of  God  ; his  heart  was  full  of 
reverence  for  Him  who  is  the  true  Giver. 
From  a feeling  of  thankfulness  for  his  past 
successes,  he  would  sit  many  a morning  alone. 


i82 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


in  prayer  and  melancholy,  on  a large  flat 
stone  which  lay  near  the  palace,  in  a lonely 
spot,  with  his  head  bent  over  his  chest, 
gathering  the  bliss  of  early  hours.” 

“ The  emperor  had,  from  his  youth,  taken 
delight  in  the  society  of  learned  men.  He 
always  treated  them  with  respect  and  honor. 
He  listened  to  their  discussions  of  nice  points 
of  science,  of  the  ancient  and  modern  history 
of  religions  and  peoples  and  sects,  and  he 
profited  by  what  he  heard.”  He  built  a 
special  palace  for  such  assemblies  in  the 
twentieth  year  of  his  reign  (when  he  was 
thirty-three  years  old),  and  spent  many 
nights  there  in  their  company.  The  palace 
had  four  halls.  In  the  western,  the  descend- 
ants of  the  Prophet  sat ; in  the  southern, 
sat  the  learned  and  the  wise  ; in  the  north, 
ern,  the  Shaikhs  and  “ men-of-ecstasy  ; ” in  the 
eastern,  the  nobles  of  the  court  who  were  in 
sympathy  with  learning.  When  his  majesty 
was  too  fatigued  with  business  to  attend  these 
meetings,  he  sent  one  of  his  nobles  in  his 
place,  choosing  a man  “ in  whose  kindness 
and  gentleness  he  had  confidence.” 


Shah  A'kbar  the  Great  183 

Some  idea  of  the  constitution  of  Akbar’s 
court,  and  of  the  wise  men  who  assembled 
in  these  congresses,  can  be  obtained  from  the 
biographies  given  at  the  end  of  Bedauni’s 
history,  which  relate  to  thirty-eight  Shaikhs 
and  holy  men,  sixty-nine  “learned  men,”  fif- 
teen physicians,  and  no  less  than  one  hundred 
and  fifty-three  poets.  The  names  of  three 
monks  who  lived  at  court  have  come  down 
to  us — Rudolpho  Aquaviva,  Antonio  de  Mon- 
serrato,  Francisco  Enriques.  These  meetings 
for  discussion  were  held  every  Thursday 
night.  They  were  fully  attended,  and  they 
were  often  very  far  from  orderly.  “ The 
Chief  Justice,  in  the  meeting-hall,  called 
Hadji  Ibrahim  an  accursed  wretch,  and  lifted 
up  his  stick  to  strike  him.” 

Muhammad  predicted  that  Islam  would  be 
divided  into  seventy-two  heretical  sects ; and 
there  were  representatives  of  enough  hostile 
parties  in  these  meetings  to  bring  their  dis- 
cussions to  violent  terminations.  Akbar 
became  frankly  disgusted  with  what  he  saw 
and  heard  in  his  meeting-hall.  Abul-fazl,  his 
father,  and  his  brother,  did  not  fail  to  point 


184  The  Mogtil  Emperors 

out  the  scandal  of  it  to  the  emperor,  though, 
at  first,  it  appears  they  did  not  join  freely  in 
the  disputes. 

Akbar’s  disgust  was  the  first  staofe  in  his 
perversion  from  Islam.  He  soon  went  farther. 
On  one  occasion  he  commanded  the  presence 
of  a high  doctor  of  the  law,  “ as  he  wished 
to  annoy  him.”  Abul-fazl  and  some  others 
newly  come  to  court  were  set  on  by  the 
emperor  to  oppose  him.  “ His  majesty  took 
every  occasion  to  interrupt.”  According  to 
an  order  previously  given  by  Akbar,  some 
of  those  present  began  to  tell  scandalous 
stories  of  the  invited  guest,  and  to  badger 
him  in  many  offensive  ways.  The  doctor 
was  disfjraced,  and  odium  was  thrown  on  the 
cause  which  he  represented.  At  a later  meet- 
ing, Akbar,  who  had  as  many  wives  as  Solo- 
mon,* set  a trap  for  the  Muslim  doctors  of 
the  law  by  asking  how  many  free-born  wives 
he  could  lawfully  maintain.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  the  maximum  number  for  a s^ood  Muslim 
is  four.  Muslim  practice  has  always  winked 

* The  names  of  eleven  wives  are  given  by  Blochtnann.  There 
were  five  thousand  women  in  the  harem,  including  servants. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


185 

at  an  unlimited  number  of  wives  for  kings  ; 
but  Akbar  put  the  question  as  a matter  of 
Muslim  theory.  If  he  could  have  but  four 
wives,  what,  then,  was  the  legal  status  of  the 
many  free-born  and  high-born  Rajput  prin- 
cesses in  his  harem  ? Were  they  concubines  ? 
Dare  the  Muhammadan  doctors  insult  the 
emperor’s  wives  ? The  trap  was  not  a fair 
one.  The  Muslim  doctor  who  was  the  victim 
on  that  occasion,  closed  his  part  of  the  dis- 
cussion with  a very  sensible  remark,  when  he 
saw  that  the  case  was  hopeless.  “ Very  well,” 
said  he,  “ I have  nothing  more  to  add  ; just 
as  his  majesty  pleases.”  A complaisant  Cazi 
was  found  who,  then  and  there,  gave  a decree 
that  such  marriages  were  legal.  “ The  veteran 
lawyers  made  very  long  faces  at  these  pro- 
ceedings,” as  well  they  might.  The  most 
uncompromising  of  the  religious  orthodox 
were  now  banished  ; new  heretics  came  to 
court  and  were  received  into  favor,  and  new 
heresies  sprung  up.  “ His  majesty  had  the 
early  history  of  Islam  read  to  him,  and  soon 
commenced  to  think  less  well  ” of  everything 
concerned  with  it.  “ Soon  after,  the  observ- 


1 86  The  Mogul  Emperors 

ance  of  the  five  prayers  and  fasts,  and  the 
belief  in  everything  connected  with  the 
Prophet,  were  put  down  as  religious  blind- 
ness, and  man’s  reason  was  acknowledged 
as  the  basis  of  all  religion.  Portugruese 
priests  also  came  frequently,  and  his 
majesty  inquired  into  the  articles  of  their 
belief,  which  are  based  on  reason.” 

In  the  year  1576  Bedauni  again  chronicles 
the  arrival  of  new  heretics.  The  Thursday 
eveninof  discussions  still  continued,  and  be- 
came  more  and  more  violent.  The  funda- 
mental truths  of  Islam  were  now  called  in 
question. 

In  1578  Bedauni  writes;  “His  majesty, 
till  now,  had  shown  every  sincerity,  and 
was  diligently  searching  for  truth.  But  his 
education  had  been  much  neglected  ; and, 
surrounded  as  he  was  by  men  of  low  and 
heretic  principles,  he  had  been  forced  to 
doubt  the  truth  of  Islam.  Fallingr  from  one 
perplexity  into  the  other,  he  lost  sight  of 
his  real  object,  the  search  for  truth ; and 
when  the  strong  embankment  of  our  clear 
law  and  our  excellent  faith  had  once  been 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  187 

broken  through,  his  majesty  grew  colder 
and  colder,  till,  after  the  short  space  of  five 
or  six  years,  not  a trace  of  Muhammadan 
feeling  was  left  in  his  heart.  Matters  then 
became  very  different.” 

In  1595  Bedauni  says  matters  had  come 
to  such  a pass  that  a request  to  make  the 
pilgrimage  to  Mecca  would  have  subjected 
the  asker  to  capital  punishment. 

“ A faith  based  on  some  elementary  prin- 
ciples traced  itself  (gradually)  on  the  mirror 
of  his  heart,  and  there  grew  the  conviction 
that  there  were  sensible  men  in  all  religions 
(and  in  all  ages).  If  some  true  knowledge 
was  thus  everywhere  to  be  found,  why  should 
truth  be  confined  to  one  religion ; or  to 
a creed  like  Islam,  which  was  scarcely  a 
thousand  years  old  ? ” 

“ The  doctrine  of  the  transmicrration  of 

o 

souls,  especially,  took  deep  root  in  his  heart.” 
Flatterers  told  the  emperor  that  “the  per- 
fect man  ” referred  to  the  ruler  of  the  age, 
and  that  the  nature  of  a king  was  holy.  “ In 
this  way  many  agreeable  things  were  said 
to  the  emperor.”  “ Learned  monks  brought 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


1 88 

the  gospel.  His  majesty  firmly  believed  in 
the  truth  of  the  Christian  religion,  and 
ordered  Prince  Murad  (then  eight  years 
old)  to  take  a few  lessons  in  Christianity.” 
“These  accursed  monks  applied  the  descrip- 
tion of  a cursed  Satan  to  Muhammad,  the 
best  of  all  prophets — God’s  blessings  rest 
on  him  and  his  whole  house — a thingr  which 
even  devils  would  not  do.”  The  Brahmin 
Rajah  Bir  Bal  “ impressed  upon  the  em- 
peror that  the  sun  was  the  origin  of  every- 
thing. The  emperor  learned,  from  some 
Hindus,  formularies  to  reduce  the  influence 
of  the  sun  to  his  subjection,  and  read  them 
morning  and  evening  as  a religious  exercise.” 
The  sun  was  venerated  as  the  chief  light 
and  benefactor  of  the  world,  and  as  a friend 
to  kings,  who  used  it  to  mark  periods  and 
eras. 

Akbar  next  prohibited  the  slaughter  of 
cows,  for  two  reasons ; first,  “ because  the 
Hindus  devoutly  worship  them,”  and,  sec- 
ond, “ because  physicians  represent  their 
flesh  as  difficult  of  digestion  and  productive 
of  illness  ” (as  it  very  likely  is  in  the  hot 


Shah  Akbar  the  G7'eat 


189 


climate  of  India).  Akbar  was  eminently 
practical  in  his  religious  enactments,  while 
he  was  at  the  same  time  devout,  “Although 
he  had  full  trust  and  hope  of  heavenly 
assistance,  he  neglected  no  material  means 
of  success,”  says  one  of  his  officials. 

Fire-worshippers  also  came  to  the  court 
and  taught  their  religion,  and  the  sacred 
fire  (lighted  with  a lens  at  the  vernal  equi- 
nox) was  committed  to  the  care  of  Abul- 
fazl.  “ Fire  is  one  of  the  signs  of  God,”  said 
the  emperor,  “ and  one  light  from  among 
the  many  lights  of  his  creation,”  “ In  the 
twenty-fifth  year  of  his  reign  he  prostrated 
himself  before  the  sun  in  public  ; and  in  the 
evening  the  whole  court  had  to  rise  up 
respectfully  when  the  lamps  were  lighted.” 
“These  sentiments  had  been  long  growing 
in  the  emperor’s  mind,  and  ripened  gradu- 
ally to  a firm  conviction.” 

“In  the  year  1579  his  majesty  was  anx- 
ious to  unite  in  his  person  the  powers  of  the 
state  and  those  of  the  church,  for  he  could 
not  bear  to  be  subordinate  to  any  one.”  He 
made  an  attempt  to  read  the  public  prayers 


1 90  The  Mogul  Emperors 

in  the  mosque,  ending  with  some  verses  of 
Faizi’s  : 

The  Lord  has  given  me  the  empire. 

And  a wise  heart,  and  a strong  arm. 

He  has  guided  me  in  righteousness  and  justice. 

And  has  removed  from  my  thoughts  everything  but  justice. 
His  praise  surpasses  man's  understanding. 

Great  is  his  power,  Allahu  Akbar ! 

Fear  or  the  hope  of  promotion  continu- 
ally brought  new  converts  to  Akbar’s  views. 

In  the  year  1579  Akbar  issued  a procla- 
mation which  declared  his  judgments  to  be 
of  higher  validity  than  those  of  the  religious 
doctors,  and  which  virtually  pronounced  him 
to  be  infallible.*  If  there  were  a variance 
of  opinion  upon  questions  of  religion,  the 
decree  of  the  king  was  to  be  final  and  bind- 
ing. “ Further,  if  his  majesty,  in  his  unerr- 
ing judgment,  should  issue  an  order  which 
is  not  in  opposition  to  the  Kuran,  and  which 
is  for  the  benefit  of  the  nation,  it  shall  be 


* He  had  previously  obtained  the  sanction  of  the  doctors  of  the 
law,  for  form’s  sake.  The  document  which  they  (reluctantly) 
signed  made  the  emperor  the  spiritual  as  well  as  the  temporal  chief 
of  the  nation.  “The  intellect  of  the  just  king”  took  the  place  of 
the  Kuran  as  the  basis  of  the  law. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


191 

binding  and  imperative  on  every  man  ; oppo- 
sition to  it  shall  involve  damnation  in  the 
world  to  come,  and  loss  of  religion  and  prop- 
erty in  this  life.” 

“ His  majesty  had  now  determined  to  use 
the  formula  : ‘ There  is  no  God  beside  God, 
and  Akbar  is  God’s  representative  ; ’ but  as 
he  found  that  the  extravagance  of  this  led 
to  contentions,  he  restricted  the  use  of  it  to 
a few  people  in  the  harem.” 

In  this  same  eventful  year  the  emperor 
“ distinctly  denied  the  existence  of  jinns,  of 
angels,  and  of  all  other  beings  of  the  invisi- 
ble world,  as  well  as  the  miracles  of  the 
prophets  and  the  saints  ; he  rejected  the  testi- 
mony of  the  witnesses  of  our  faith,  the  proofs 
of  the  Kuran,  the  existence  of  the  soul  after 
death  and  future  rewards  and  punishments 
so  far  as  they  differed  from  metempsychosis.” 
Later  on,  his  partisans  strenuously  insisted 
on  the  miracles  performed  by  Akbar ; but 
they  were  feeble  matters  at  the  best — he 
spoke  at  his  birth,  was  one — and  carried  no 
conviction. 

The  long  beard  was  worn  by  all  good 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


192 

Muslims,  but  Akbar  ordered  the  officers 
of  his  court  to  appear  with  shaven  faces. 
This  was  in  the  year  1592,  when  he  was  fifty 
years  old.* 

Akbar  became  more  and  more  ready  to 
claim  the  dignity  of  a prophet,  or  even  divine 
honors,  says  Bedauni.  He  also  became  in- 
tolerant of  opposition,  and  deported  good 
(and  stubborn)  Muslims  as  slaves,  exchanging 
them  for  Turkish  horses.  “His  majesty 
was  now  (1582)  convinced  that  the  millen- 
nium was  drawing  near.”f  The  coinage  was 
changed  to  show  the  era  of  the  millennium ; 
a history  of  the  past  thousand  years  was 
written ; it  was  ordered  that  prostrations 
should  be  made  before  the  king.  Wine 


* I have,  however,  a beautiful  portrait  of  him,  in  which  he  wears 
a while  beard,  parted  and  brushed  sidewise  in  the  Hindu  fashion. 
It  must  have  been  painted  late  in  his  life.  The  face  is  nervous, 
almost  querulous  in  expression,  fine  to  the  verge  of  anxiousness. 
In  middle  life  his  face  was  strong  and  somewhat  coarse.  Portraits, 
taken  in  his  last  years,  represent  him  with  a long  white  moustache 
and  a full  beard  closely  clipped.  A medal  struck  after  his  death 
represents  him  without  a beard.  I have  never  been  fortunate 
enough  to  see  a picture  of  Akbar  in  his  youth. 

•)•  We  may  recall  that  Europe  in  a.d.  iooo  was  subject  to  like 
delusions. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  193 

shops  were  licensed  in  Agra.  Pigs  and  dogs 
were  no  longer  looked  on  as  unclean.  A 
splendid  tomb  was  even  built  for  one  of 
Akbar’s  hounds.  Certain  of  the  ceremonial 
ablutions  were  abrogated.  It  was  forbidden 
to  marry  a cousin.  The  prayers  of  Islam 
and  the  pilgrimage  were  prohibited.  The 
era  of  the  Hegira  was  abolished.  A new 
Persian  solar  » year  was  introduced.  The 
feasts  of  the  Zoroastrians  were  revived.  The 
Jesuits  of  Agra  and  Lahore  exhibited  repre- 
sentations of  the  birth  of  Christ  in  wax.  “In 
the  same  way  every  doctrine  of  Islam  was 
doubted  and  ridiculed.”  “ The  good  were 
in  fear,  and  the  wicked  were  secure.”  “ His 
majesty  saw  in  the  defeat  of  one  party  a 
proof  of  his  own  infallibility.”  One  of  the 
Muslim  Mullas  wrote,  in  derision  : 


This  year  the  emperor  has  claimed  prophetship, 

A'ext  year,  if  God  wills,  he  will  be  God. 

Everything  did  not  go  smoothly  with 

Akbar,  however.  Many  of  the  best  men 

held  aloof.  Rajah  Bhagwan  said  to  the 

emperor  ; “ Only  tell  us  where  the  new  sect 
13 


194 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


is,  so  that  I may  believe.”  Rajah  Man 
Singh  declared  that  Islam  he  knew,  and 
Hinduism  he  knew,  but  besides  these  he 
knew  no  other  religion.  One  of  the  court- 
iers had  made  his  fortune  by  proposing  to 
introduce  the  custom  of  prostration  before 
the  king.  Another,  with  an  eye  to  profit, 
exclaimed,  “ Oh  that  I had  been  the  inventor 
of  this  little  business  ! ” A devout  Muslim 
courtier  used  to  say  his  prayers  in  the  audi- 
ence chamber.  When  Akbar  asked  him  to 
say  them  at  home,  he  replied  ; “ My  king, 
this  is  not  your  kingdom,  that  you  should 
give  orders.”  Whereupon  Akbar  called  him 
a fool,  and  cancelled  his  grant  of  land. 

In  1583  new  orders  of  various  kinds  were 
made  to  “ please  the  Hindus.”  Akbar  wore 
the  Hindu  mark  on  his  forehead,  and  the 
Brahminic  thread.  “ His  majesty  learned 
alchemy,  and  showed  in  public  some  of  the 
gold  made  by  him.”  “ Cheating  Brahmins 
collected  a set  of  a thousand  and  one  San- 
scrit names  of  his  majesty  the  Sun,  and 
told  the  emperor  that  he  was  an  incarnation 
like  Ram  and  others.  They  also  brought 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  195 

Sanscrit  verses,  said  to  have  been  taken 
from  the  sayings  of  ancient  sages,  in  which 
it  was  predicted  that  a great  conqueror 
should  rise  up  in  India  who  would  honor 
Brahmins  and  cows,  and  govern  the  world 
with  justice.  They  wrote  this  nonsense  on 
old-looking  paper  and  showed  it  to  the 
emperor,  who  believed  every  word  of  it.” 

Bedauni  carries  the  history  farther,  with 
new  details,  but  in  what  has  gone  before 
he  has  said  his  say  ; the  side  of  the  good 
Muslim  has  been  presented  well  and  vigor- 
ously. Professor  Blochmann  sums  up  the 
evidence  in  a few  words,  saying  that  it 
shows  how  “ Akbar,  starting  from  the  idea 
of  the  divine  right  of  kings,  gradually  came 
to  look  upon  himself  as  the  (high  priest) 
of  the  age,  then  as  the  prophet  of  God  and 
God’s  vicegerent  on  earth,  and  lastly  as  a 
deity.” 

We  have  an  account  of  the  king’s  change 
of  religious  opinions,  from  Shaikh  Nuru-1- 
Hakh.  “One  of  the  strange  incidents  of 
this  year  (1578)  was  the  king’s  abandon- 
ment of  the  national  religion,  which  became 


196 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


a stumbling-block  to  many  people  weak  in 
the  faith.”  The  king  was  constantly  in  at- 
tendance at  the  assemblies  for  religious  dis- 
cussion, “ for  his  mind  was  solely  bent  on 
ascertaining  the  truth,”  “ The  common 
people  learning,  day  after  day,  something 
of  the  nature  of  the  subjects  discussed  in 
these  assemblies,  entertained  suspicions  of 
the  king’s  motives,  which  were  derogatory 
to  his  character  and  but  little  deserved.” 
They,  in  fact,  feared  that  Akbar  would 
assume  divine  honors,  as  he  subsequently 
did,  so  far  as  was  politic,  or  even  possible. 

Abul-fazl’s  account  of  the  discussion  of 
the  wise  men  is  interesting.  He  says  : 
“ Sufis,  doctors,  preachers,  lawyers,  Sunnis, 
Shias,  Brahmans,  Buddhists,  Christians,  Jews, 
Zoroastrians,  and  learned  men  of  every  belief 
were  gathered  together  in  the  royal  assem- 
bly. Each  one  fearlessly  brought  forward 
his  assertions,  and  the  contentions  were  long 
and  heated.”  A Jesuit  from  Goa  refuted  all 
comers,  and  offered,  “ with  perfect  calmness 
and  earnest  conviction,”  to  undergo  the 
ordeal  of  the  fiery  furnace  with  the  Bible 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  197 

in  his  hands,  against  the  Muhammedan  doc- 
tors with  the  Kuran.  The  challenge  was 
refused  with  angry  words.  The  emperor 
also  made  experiments  in  natural  religion. 
“ It  was  ordered  that  some  twenty  suckling 
infants  should  be  kept  in  a secluded  place 
where  they  should  not  hear  a word  spoken, 
so  as  to  test  the  accuracy  of  the  tradition 
which  says,  ‘ Every  one  is  born  with  an 
inclination  to  religion.’  ” This  experiment 
was  to  see  what  creed  they  would  incline  to. 
It  came  to  naught,  for  “after  three  or  four 
years  the  children  all  came  out  dumb.”  The 
experiment  may  have  been  suggested  by 
Herodotus’  account  of  a similar  experience, 
which  led  to  equally  unsatisfactory  conclu- 
sions. 

The  following  judgment,  written  by  Mr. 
Sherar,  C.S.I.,  presents  a view  of  Akbar’s 
religious  experiments  which  it  is  worth  while 
to  quote.  It  Is  not  the  received  view  of 
Akbar’s  character,  and  it  certainly  is  not  a 
complete  account.  On  the  other  hand,  there 
is  a shade  of  truth  in  it,  at  the  very  least. 
It  should  be  weighed  along  with  the  rest. 

o o 


198 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


Mr.  Sherar  says  : “Akbar  was  more  amused 
at  new  doctrines,  new  theories,  new  objects 
of  veneration,  than  burdened  with  the  diffi- 
culties which  surrounded  the  acceptance  of 
them.  And  there  surely  is  no  parallel  be- 
tween a grave  and  powerful  mind  bowed 
down,  everlastingly,  with  the  stern  dilemmas 
of  that  great  enigma,  whence  and  whither? 
and  the  superficial  curiosity  of  an  intellect 
that  was  too  restless  to  bind  itself  perma- 
nently to  any  particular  code  of  opin- 
ions.” 

For  my  own  part,  I have  found  no  brief 
judgment  of  Akbar’s  faith  so  entirely  satis- 
factory as  that  of  Elphinstone,  who  says:  “It 
is  to  his  internal  policy  that  Akbar  owes  his 
place  in  that  highest  order  of  princes,  whose 
reicrns  have  been  a blessingf  to  mankind  ; and 
that  policy  shows  itself  in  different  shapes, 
as  it  affects  religious  or  civil  government. 
Akbar’s  tolerant  spirit  was  displayed  early  in 
his  reign,  and  appears  to  have  been  entirely 
independent  of  any  doubts  of  the  divine 
origin  of  the  Muhammadan  faith.  It  led 
him,  however,  to  listen,  without  prejudice. 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


199 


to  the  doctrines  of  other  religions,  and 
involved  him  in  enmity  with  the  bigoted 
members  of  his  own,  and  must  thus  have 
contributed  to  shake  his  early  belief,  and  to 
dispose  him  to  question  the  infallible  author- 
ity of  the  Kuran.  The  political  advantages 
of  a new  religion,  which  should  take  in  all 
classes  of  his  subjects,  could  not  fail,  more- 
over, to  occur  to  him.  In  the  first  part  of 
his  reign  he  was  assiduous  in  visiting  sacred 
places,  and  in  attendance  on  holy  men  ; even 
in  the  twenty-first  year  of  his  reign  he 
spoke  seriously  of  performing  the  pilgrimage 
to  Mecca.  . . . The  religion  of  Akbar 

seems  to  have  been  pure  Deism,  in  addi- 
tion to  which  some  ceremonies  were  per- 
mitted in  consideration  of  human  infirmity. 
It  maintained  that  we  ought  to  reverence 
God  according-  to  the  knowledge  of  him 
derived  from  our  own  reason,  by  which  his 
unity  and  benevolence  are  sufficiently  estab- 
lished ; that  we  ought  to  serve  him  and  to 
seek  for  our  future  happiness  by  subduing 
our  bad  passions  and  practising  such  vir- 
tues as  are  beneficial  to  mankind ; but  that 


200  The  Mogul  Emperors 

we  should  not  adopt  a creed  on  the  authority 
of  any  man,  as  all  were  liable  to  vice  and 
error  like  ourselves.  If  it  were  absolutely 
necessary  for  men  to  have  some  visible 
object  of  adoration,  by  means  of  which  they 
might  raise  their  souls  to  the  Divinity,  Akbar 
recommended  that  the  sun,  the  planets,  or 
fire  should  be  the  symbols.  He  had  no 
priests,  no  public  worship,  and  no  restrictions 
about  food,  except  a recommendation  of 
abstinence,  as  tending  to  exalt  the  mind. 
His  only  observances  were  salutations  to  the 
sun,  prayers  at  midnight  and  daybreak,  and 
meditations  at  noon  on  the  sun.  . . . But 

as  Akbar  practised  all  his  ceremonies,  as  well 
as  permitted  them,  it  may  be  doubted  whether 
they  had  not  gained  some  hold  on  his  imagi- 
nation. He  seems  to  have  been  by  nature 
devout,  and,  with  all  his  scepticism,  to  have 
inclined  even  to  superstitions  that  promised 
him  a closer  connection  with  the  Deity.”  It 
is  necessary  to  pause  for  a moment  and  to 
remark  that,  while  these  judgments  are  emi- 
nently true,  we  are  trying  this  ruler  of  the 
sixteenth  century  by  the  standards  of  our 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


201 


own  day.  It  is  wonderful  how  the  test  is 
met. 

“In  these  days  (a.d.  1575-76),  his  maj- 
esty asked  how  it  would  be  if  he  engraved 
the  w'ords  Allahu-Akbar  (which  means  God 
is  great,  but  which  can  be  made  to  mean 
Akbar  is  God^  upon  the  imperial  coins.” 
The  ambiguity  was  pointed  out  to  him,  and 
he  was  displeased,  saying  that  “ it  was  self- 
evident  that  no  creature,  in  the  depths  of  his 
impotence,  could  advance  any  claim  to  divin- 
ity.” The  words  were,  however,  finally  so 
engraved. 

Of  Akbar’s  revenue  arrangements  we  have 
this  account  by  Bedauni  (who  was  a malcon- 
tent) : “ Regulations  were  circulated,  but 

eventually  these  were  not  observed  as  they 
ought  to  have  been.”  He  admits  the  excel- 
lence of  the  regulations  themselves,  but  gives 
instances  where  the  peasants’  lands  were  laid 
waste,  and  their  wives  and  children  sold 
through  the  rapacity  of  the  officials.  But 
“many  of  the  officials  were  brought  to 
account”  and  punished;  even  tortured.  In 
spite  of  this,  the  fate  of  the  husbandman  and 


202 


The  Mogul  E7nperors 


of  the  soldier  was  hard;  “but  for  all  this, 
the  emperor’s  good  fortune  was  so  great 
and  flourishing,  that  his  enemies  were  every- 
where annihilated,  and  soldiers  were  not  so 
much  wanted.”  One  of  the  Sivaite  poets  of 
Bengal  (quoted  by  Sir  W.  W.  Hunter)  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  gives  a life-like  picture 
of  the  oppressions  of  Muhammadan  officers 
in  the  remoter  districts  of  the  empire.  “ All 
classes,”  he  says,  “ were  crushed  with  an  equal 
tyranny  ; fallow  lands  were  entered  as  arable ; 
and,  by  a false  measurement,  three-fourths 
of  a bigJia  were  taxed  as  a full  bigha.  The 
treasury  officers  deducted  more  than  one 
rupee  in  seven,  short  weight  and  exchange. 
The  husbandmen  fled  from  their  lands  and 
threw  their  cattle  and  goods  into  the  mar- 
kets, so  that  ‘ a rupee’s  worth  of  things  sold 
for  ten  annas.’  ” 

In  another  native  authority  we  read:  “At 
this  place  some  of  the  emperor’s  officers 
were  directed  to  protect  the  cultivated  land 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  camp;  and,  besides  this, 
trustworthy  men  were  directed  to  carefully 
examine  the  land  after  the  army  had  passed, 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great 


203 


and  to  assess  the  damage  done.  This  prac- 
tice became  a rule  in  all  his  campaigns,”  * It 
is  plain  that  the  effort  of  the  emperor  was 
to  do  justice.  It  is  certain  that  the  older 
provinces  of  the  kingdom  were  well  and 
mildly  governed.  It  is  beyond  a doubt  that 
frequent  instances  of  misrule  and  oppression 
occurred  everywhere,  especially  in  the  newly 
conquered  districts.  It  was  obviously  neces- 
sary for  Akbar  to  be  tolerant  in  religious 
matters  for  the  sake  of  - political  stability. 
How  much  of  his  even-handed  justice  and 
mild  benevolence  sprang  from  the  same 
necessity,  it  is  not  possible  to  say.  But  leav- 
ing to  one  side  all  questions  as  to  interior 
motives,  the  writings  of  the  native  historians 
show  that  the  emperor’s  reign  was  marked 
by  the  most  consummate  political  skill.  His 
personal  character  is  far  less  engaging  and 
distinguished  than  that  of  his  grandfather 
Babar ; he  did  not  leave  so  many  magnifi- 
cent buildings  as  Shah  Jahan  ; but  he  con- 


■*  The  troops  of  the  Fronde  (1652)  regularly  pillaged  the  quarters 
of  Paris  which  they  chanced  to  hold,  precisely  as  if  they  had  been 
in  the  heart  of  an  enemy’s  country. 


204  Mogul  Emperors 

solidated  a great  state  by  wise,  just,  and 
even  generous  laws,  and  left  a homogeneous 
empire  behind  him.  We  are  used  to  repre- 
sent to  ourselves  the  kingdom  of  the  Great 
Mogul  as  a barbaric  state,  ruled  by  a semi- 
fabulous  monster  of  bloodthirsty  disposition. 
A more  careful  inspection  shows  us  an 
empire  which  will  bear  close  comparison 
with  the  states  of  Europe  at  the  same  epoch. 
The  blood  of  Timur  had  been  thinned  so 
that  it  ran  calmly  in  the  veins  of  a great 
statesman  and  a good  king,  and  the  lust  of 
mere  conquest  was  replaced  by  a sincere 
desire  for  “ the  happiness  and  prosperity  of 
the  husbandman.” 

The  character  of  the  Mogul  invaders  of 
India  in  Timur’s  day  is  indicated  in  the  first 
chapter  of  this  book.  Their  acts  portray 
them.  The  history  of  Babar,  six  generations 
later,  sufficiently  displays  the  high  ideals  of 
culture -which  were  held  by  the. chief  men 
of  his  time.  Music,  oratory,  poetry,  were  cul- 
tivated even  by  sanguinary  military  leaders. 
They  maintained  at  their  courts,  painters, 
architects,  musicians,  astronomers.  The 


Shah  Akbar  the  Great  205 

doctors  of  the  religious  law  were  learned  in 
the  fashion  of  the  time,  speculative  and 
eloquent.  Arabian  ideals  of  military  chiv- 
alry prevailed,  or  had  begun  to  prevail. 
Akbar  opened  the  road  of  promotion  to 
all  the  nations  of  Western  Asia.  Persians, 
Afghans,  Turkis,  Hindus,  were  welcome  at 
his  court,  and  all  were  on  equal  terms.  In 
intellectual  matters  this  intermixture  of  races 
and  religrions  showed  itself  in  g^reat  freedom 
and  liberality  in  ideals  of  culture.  Every 
famous  book  from  the  Shah-Name h to  the 
Mahabharata  was  in  Akbar’s  library.  In 
religious  questions  a revolution  was  accom- 
plished. The  standards  of  military  chivalry, 
which  had  been  based  on  Turki  and  Arab 
models,  were  modified  by  the  customs  of  the 
splendid  Rajput  soldiers. 

These  processes  went  on  during  the  reigns 
of  Jahangir  and  of  Shah  Jahan.  It  was  not 
until  the  reign  of  Aurangzeb  that  they  re- 
ceived a check.  We  must  figure  to  ourselves 
the  period  between  Akbar  and  Aurangzeb  as 
one  of  remarkable  freedom.  I suppose  the 
peasants’  condition  was  not  especially  differ- 


2o5 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


ent  from  what  it  now  is.  But  the  host  of 
officials,  great  and  small,  military  and  civil, 
were  free  to  do  or  to  think  as  they  liked, 
provided,  only,  that  they  performed  their 
duties  fairly  well,  paid  their  regular  tribute 
to  the  king,  and  did  not  meddle  with  plots 
acjainst  their  rulers.  No  one  interfered  with 
their  doings,  and  no  one  troubled  himself 
about  the  opinions  of  his  neighbors.  There 
was  no  “ non-conformist  conscience,”  and  no 
Inquisition  to  be  taken  account  of  by  any 
man.  When  Aurangzeb  came  to  the  throne, 
this  happy  state  of  things  was  changed,  and 
the  riorid  law  of  Islam  became  the  rule  of 
conduct,  as  we  shall  see;  but  India  was 
under  liberal  rule  during  the  years  1556- 
1658. 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  207 


CHAPTER  V 

JAHANGIR,  EMPEROR  OF  HINDUSTAN  (a.D. 

1605-1627) 

A Contribtdion  towards  a Nahiral  History 
of  Tyrants 

But  if  Casar,  the  emperor,  should  adopt  you,  no  one  could 
endztre  your  arrogance, — EPICTETUS. 

The  most  interesting  authority  on  the 
reign  and  character  of  this  prince  is  the 
Diary  of  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  English  Envoy 
to  his  court  from  James  the  First.  The 
narrative  has  real  literary  merits,  and  is 
inspired  by  a sound  good  sense.  The  con- 
trast of  the  characters  of  the  emperor  and 
the  envoy,  who  esteemed  each  other,  is  most 
marked  and  most  interesting.  Sir  Thomas’s 
Journal  commences  as  follows  ; his  very 
words  are  given  when  it  is  practicable  : 

“March  the  i6th  (1615)  we  lost  sight  of 
the  Lizard ; the  26th  we  saw  the  coast 


2o8 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


of  Barbary;  April  the  14th  we  cut  the  line; 
and  on  the  5th  of  June  came  to  anchor  in  the 
bay  of  Saldanha,  next  the  Cape  of  Good 
Hope.”  From  thence  the  voyage  continued 
till,  on  the  26th  of  September,  Sir  Thomas 
landed  at  Surat,  where  the  British  East 
India  Company  had  its  factory.  Here  he 
“continued  till  the  30th  of  October,  suffering 
much  from  the  (native)  governor,  who,  by 
force,  searched  many  chests  and  took  out 
what  he  thought  fit.”  On  this  day  the  envoy 
departed  on  his  land  journey  to  the  capital 
of  the  Great  Mogul.  His  mission  was  to 
conclude  a treaty  of  commerce,  and  to  col- 
lect outstanding  debts  due  to  English  mer- 
chants. How  important  the  commerce  of 
England  with  India  was  becoming,  may  be 
read  in  Mill’s  history.  The  profits  were 
immense.  Eight  voyages  in  the  years  1603- 
1613  yielded  an  average  of  171  per  cent.* 
By  the  14th  of  November  Sir  Thomas  had 
reached  Brampore,  which  he  guessed  to  be 
two  hundred  and  twenty-three  miles  beyond 

* Tavernier  says  that  the  profits  of  the  Portuguese  were  500  or 
even  1000  per  cent. 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  209 

Surat.  Here  he  was  met  by  an  officer  of 

the  king,  who  conducted  him  to  his  lodgings 

in  the  town,  which  were  “ four  chambers  like 

ovens,  and  no  bigger,  made  of  brick  in  the 

side  of  a wall,  so  that  I lay  in  my  tent ; the 

officer  making  his  excuse  that  it  was  the  best 

lodging  in  the  town,  as  I found  it  was.” 

“ I was  conducted  to  visit  the  prince  (Par- 

wiz,  a son  of  the  emperor),  in  whose  outward 

court  I found  about  a hundred  gentlemen  on 

horseback.  He  sat  high  in  a gallery  that 

went  around.  An  officer  told  me  that  as  I 

approached  I must  touch  the  ground  with 

m.y  head,  which  I refused,  and  went  on  to  a 

place  right  under  him,  railed  in,  where  I 

made  him  reverence,  and  he  bowed  his  body; 

so  I went  within,  where  were  all  the  great 

men  of  the  town,  with  their  hands  before 

them  like  slaves.  The  place  was  covered 

overhead  with  a rich  canopy,  and  under  foot 

all  with  carpets.  It  was  like  a great  stage, 

and  the  prince  sat  at  the  upper  end  of  it. 

Having  no  place  assigned  me,  I stood  right 

before  him,  he  refusing  to  admit  me  to  come 

up  the  steps  or  to  allow  me  a chair.  Having 
14 


2 10  The  Alogul  Emperors 

received  my  presents,  he  offered  to  go  Into 
another  room  where  I should  be  allowed  to 
sit ; but,  by  the  way,  he  made  himself  drunk 
out  of  a case  of  bottles  I gave  him,  and  so 
the  visit  ended.”  This  was  our  envoy’s  first 
struggle  with  Indian  etiquette,  and  here,  as 
always  after,  he  stood  up  mightily  for  the 
dignity  of  an  ambassador  of  the  King  of 
England.  The  termination  of  the  ceremony 
was  not  unusual  either  for  prince  or  empe- 
ror. From  his  meeting  with  the  prince.  Sir 
Thomas  proceeded  on  his  journey,  passing 
through  the  country  of  the  Rajah  Rama, 
“who  is  lineally  descended  from  Poms,  that 
warlike  Indian  monarch  overcome  by  Alex- 
ander the  Great.” 

On  January  lo,  i6i6,  he  had  arrived  at 
the  court  of  Jahangir,  and  presented  himself 
at  the  durbar  (audience)  at  four  in  the  after- 
noon. Here  “ the  Mogul  sits  daily  to  enter- 
tain strangers,  receive  petitions  and  presents, 
give  out  orders,  and  to  see  and  be  seen. 
And  here  it  will  be  proper  to  give  some 
account  of  his  court.” 

“None  but  eunuchs  come  within  the  king’s 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hmdicsta7i  2 1 1 

private  lodgings,  and  his  women,  who  guard 
him  with  warlike  weapons.  The  Mogul 
every  morning  shows  himself  to  the  common 
people  at  a window.  At  noon  he  is  there 
again  to  see  elephants  and  wild  beasts  fight, 
the  men  of  rank  being  under  him  within  a 
rail.  After  noon  he  comes  to  the  dztrbar 
aforementioned.  After  the  supper,  at  eight 
of  the  clock,  he  comes  down  to  the  Gtizalca7t, 
a fair  court,  in  the  midst  of  which  is  a throne 
of  freestone,  where  he  sits.  Here  he  dis- 
courses of  indifferent  things  very  affably. 
No  business  of  state  is  done  anywhere  but 
at  one  of  these  places,  where  it  is  publicly 
canvassed,  and  so  registered,  which  register 
may  be  seen  for  two  shillings,  and  the  com- 
mon people  know  as  much  as  the  council, 
so  that  every  day  the  king’s  resolutions  are 
the  public  news,  and  exposed  to  the  censure 
of  every  scoundrel.” 

“ Before  my  audience  I had  obtained  leave 
to  use  the  customs  of  my  country.  At  the 
durbar  I was  conducted  right  before  him  ; 
entering  the  outward  rail,  two  noble  slaves 
met  to  conduct  me  nearer.  At  the  first  rail 


2 12  The  Mogtil  E7nperors 

I made  a low  reverence,  at  the  next  another, 
and  when  under  the  kins'  a third.  His 
reception  was  very  favorable,  but  does  not 
need  particularizing.” 

“ When  I came  in  I found  him  sitting 
cross-legged  on  a little  throne,  all  clad  in 
diamonds,  pearls,  and  rubies,  before  him  a 
table  of  gold,  on  it  about  fifty  pieces  of  gold 
plate,  set  all  with  stones,  his  nobility  about 
him  in  their  best  equipages,  whom  he  com- 
manded to  drink,  froliquely,  several  wines 
standing  by  in  great  flagons.  So  drinking 
and  commanding  others,  his  majesty  and  all 
his  lords  became  the  finest  men  I ever  saw — 
of  a thousand  humours.” 

Apparently  the  business  of  the  envoy  did 
not  advance.  “ March  the  first  I rid  out  to 
see  a house  of  pleasure  of  the  king’s,  seated 
between  two  mighty  rocks,  and  defended 
from  the  sun.  It  is  a place  of  melancholy, 
delight,  and  safety.”  On  the  iith  of  March 
began  the  festival  of  the  New  Year,  when 
great  presents  of  all  sorts  were  offered  to 
the  king,  which,  though  not  equal  to  report, 
were  yet  incredible  enough.  On  the  12th 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hindustaii  213 

of  March  came  another  audience,  and  on 
the  13th  another,  when  “I  pressed  to  have 
the  peace  and  commerce  with  England  settled 
after  a solemn  manner,  which  the  Mogul 
ordered  should  be  done.”  It  may  be  noted 
here  that  delay  in  attending  to  the  missions 
of  envoys  and  in  dismissing  them  was  con- 
sidered a proof  of  the  king’s  dignity,  and 
that  it  was  many  a long  day  before  Sir 
Thomas  had  his  treaty  signed  and  the  debts 
due  the  English  merchants  settled. 

“ On  the  23d  the  Mogul  condemned  one 
of  his  own  nation  on  suspicion  of  felony,  and 
sent  him  to  me  in  irons,  as  a slave,  to  dis- 
pose of  at  my  will.  This  is  looked  upon  as 
a great  favor,  for  which  I returned  thanks ; 
adding  that  in  England  we  had  no  slaves, 
nor  thought  it  lawful  to  make  the  image  of 
God  equal  to  a beast,  but  that  I would  use 
him  as  a servant,  and  if  he  behaved  himself 
well,  give  him  his  liberty.  This  the  Mogul 
was  well  pleased  with.”  On  this,  as  on  every 
other  occasion,  the  English  envoy  conducted 
himself  with  sense,  and  with  a simple  dignity 
which  evidently  impressed  the  autocrat,  who 


2 14  The  Mogul  Empei'ors 

was  never  tired  of  showing  him  marks  of  his 
appreciation. 

One  must  read  the  original  narrative  in 
all  its  detail  to  obtain  the  full  sense  of  the 
dramatic  contrast  between  these  two  men 
of  different  countries,  whose  mutual  respect 
was  founded  on  something  deeper  than  race. 

At  one  of  the  diu'bars,  Sir  Thomas  stood 
alone  in  a high  place  of  honor.  “ Asaph- 
Chan  (the  king’s  brother-in-law)  insisted  that 
I should  rank  myself  among  the  nobility. 
I refused  at  first,  but  then  removed  to  the 
other  side,  where  only  the  prince  and  young 
Rama  were,  which  more  disgusted  Asaph- 
Chan.”  A complaint  to  the  king  was  of  no 
avail,  “ so  I kept  miy  place  in  quiet.”  “ On 
the  31st  of  March,  the  king  dined  at  Asaph- 
Chan’s  house,  all  the  way  from  the  palace 
to  it,  which  was  an  English  mile,  being  laid 
under  foot  with  silks  and  velvets  sewed 
together,  but  rolled  up  as  the  king  passed. 
They  reported  that  the  feast  and  present 
cost  ^150,000.”  Little  progress  was  made 
in  the  business,  as  usual. 

“ On  June  i8th,  the  king  commanded  one 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  215 

of  his  brother’s  sons,  who  had  been  per- 
suaded to  become  a Christian,  with  a design 
to  make  him  odious  to  the  people  (so  says 
Sir  Thomas),  to  lay  his  hand  on  the  head  of 
a lion  that  was  brought  before  the  king, 
which  he  refused  out  of  fear ; upon  which 
the  king  bid  his  youngest  son  go  touch  the 
lion,  who  did  so  without  receiving  any  hurt. 
Whereat  the  king  took  occasion  to  send  his 
nephew  away  to  prison,  where  he  is  never 
like  to  see  daylight.”* 

In  July  a gentlewoman  of  Nur-Mahal’s  was 
punished  for  a breach  of  decorum.  “ The 
poor  woman  was  set  up  to  the  armpits  in 
the  earth  close  rammed  about  her,  with  her 
feet  tied  to  a stake,  so  to  continue  three  days 
and  two  nights.  If  she  died  not  in  that  time 
she  was  to  be  pardoned.” 

“ On  August  the  9th,  a hundred  thieves 
were  brought  chained  before  the  Mogul,  with 
their  accusation;  without  further  ceremony 


* Four  of  Jahangir’s  nephews  were  baptized  by  the  Jesuits  by  the 
names  of  Philippo,  Carlo,  Henrico,  Eduardo  ; and  the  doors  of  the 
palace  at  Lahore  bore  “the  images  of  the  crucifix  and  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin,”  so  says  Herbert  in  his  Travels. 


The  Mogul  E7uperors 


216 

he  ordered  them  to  be  carried  away,  the 
chief  of  them  to  be  torn  in  pieces  by  dogs, 
the  rest  put  to  death.  This  was  all  the  pro- 
cess and  form,”  and  the  sentence  was  carried 
out. 

“ Seven  months  were  now  spent  in  solicit- 
inor  the  sio-ning  and  sealing  of  the  articles  o?' 
peace  and  commerce,  and  nothing  obtained 
but  promises  from  week  to  week  and  from 
day  to  day.”  During  October  the  envoy 
recites  some  of  the  struggles  between  the 
king’s  sons  for  power  at  court.  The  wisest 
men  foresee  a civil  war  upon  the  king’s 
death.  “ The  whole  court  is  full  of  whispers  ; 
the  nobility  are  sad  ; the  multitude,  like  itself, 
full  of  rumor  and  noise,  without  head  or 
order,  rages,  but  applies  not  to  any  proper 
means.” 

Sir  Thomas  says : “ The  history  of  this 
country  for  variety  of  matter  and  the  many 
subtle  practices  in  the  time  of  • Akbar-Shah, 
the  father  of  this  king,  were  well  worth 
writing;  but  because  they  come  from_  such 
remote  parts,  many  will  despise  them ; and 
by  reason  these  people  are  esteemed  bar- 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  2 1 7 

barous,  few  will  believe  them;  and  therefore 
I forbear  making  them  public,  though  I could 
deliver  as  many  rare  and  notable  acts  of  state, 
subtle  evasions,  policies,  answers  and  adages, 
as  I believe,  for  one  age,  would  not  easily  be 
equalled.”  It  is  a loss  not  to  have  had  this 
history  from  so  good  an  observer. 

About  this  time  came  the  ambassador  of 
Persia,  who  was  obliged  to  make  the  “knock- 
ing his  head  against  the  ground,”  which  Sir 
Thomas  had  refused  to  do.  “ He  brought 
for  presents  three  times  nine  Arabian  and 
Persian  horses,  this  being  a ceremonious 
number  among  them  ; nine  mules  very  fair 
and  large ; seven  camels  laden  with  velvet ; 
two  chests  of  Persian  hangings ; one  rich 
cabinet ; forty  muskets ; five  clocks ; one 
camel  laden  with  cloth  of  gold ; eight  carpets 
of  silk  ; two  rubies ; twenty-one  camel  loads 
of  wine ; fourteen  camel  loads  of  distilled 
sweet  waters ; seven  of  rose  water ; seven 
daggers  set  with  precious  stones ; five  swords 
set  after  the  same  manner;  seven  Venetian 
looking-glasses,  and  these  so  fair  and  rich 
that  I was  out  of  countenance  when  I heard 


2i8  ^ The  Mogul  Etnperors 

it.”  In  fact,  the  meanness  of  the  presents 
which  Sir  Thomas  had  broug-ht  from  England 
was  a constant  thorn  in  his  side.  Only 
the  large  mastiff-dogs  seem  to  have  been 
thoroughly  appreciated ; and  the  emperor 
told  him  plainly  that  he  could  not  understand 
why  the  monarch  of  so  great  a country 
as  England  should  send  so  poor  a list  of 
presents. 

It  is  easily  to  be  seen  that  the  real  success 
of  Sir  Thomas’  mission  was  due  to  his  per- 
sonality, and  not  to  the  fame  of  England  or 
to  the  value  of  his  gifts. 

“These  people  know  the  best  of  all  kinds 
of  merchandise,  and  are  served  by  the  Portu- 
guese, Venetians,  and  Armenians  with  all  the 
rarities  of  Europe.” 

Of  the  Persian  envoy  he  says  : “ I caused 
his  reception  to  be  diligently  observed,  and 
found  he  was  not  favored  above  me  at  any 
point,  but  much  less  in  several  particulars.” 

It  is  worth  while  to  add  that  when  the 
Persian  ambassador  took  his  leave,  he  pre- 
sented the  king  with  other  thirty  horses,  and 
received  in  return  three  thousand  crowns. 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  219 

The  king  removed  to  a camp  a few  miles 
from  his  palace,  and  at  one  of  his  audiences 
the  English  envoy  had  a glimpse  of  “his  two 
principal  wives,”  one  of  whom  must  have 
been  Nur-Mahal.  “ They  were  indifferently 
white,  with  black  hair  smoothed  up  ; but  if 
there  had  been  no  other  light,  their  dia- 
monds and  pearls  had  sufficed  to  show  them. 
When  I looked  up  they  retired,  and  were  so 
merry  that  I supposed  they  laughed  at  me.” 
“ Then  the  king  came  down  the  stairs  with 
such  an  acclamation  of  health  to  the  king  as 
would  have  outroared  cannon.  Then  one  of 
his  servants  came,  and  girt  on  the  king’s 
sword,  and  hung  on  his  buckler  set  all  over 
with  diamonds  and  rubies,  the  belts  being  of 
gold,  suitable.  On  his  head  he  wore  a rich 
turban  with  a plume  of  heron’s  feathers,  not 
many,  but  long.  On  one  side  of  his  turban 
hung  a ruby  unset,  as  big  as  a walnut;  on  the 
other  side  a diamond  as  large  ; in  the  middle 
an  emerald  like  a heart,  much  bigger.  His 
staff  was  wound  about  with  a chain  of  great 
pearls,  rubies,  and  diamonds,  drilled.  About 
his  neck  he  wore  a chain  of  most  excellent 


2 20  The  Mogul  Emperors 

pearls,  the  largest  I ever  saw.  Above  his 
elbows  armlets  set  with  diamonds,  and  on 
his  wrist  three  rows  of  various  sorts ; his 
hands  bare,  but  on  almost  every  finger  a 
ring.” 

The  king  and  the  queen,  Nur-Mahal,  rode 
in  coaches  made  after  the  pattern  of  an  Eng- 
lish carriage  which  Sir  Thomas  Roe  had 
brought  out  as  a present.  They  had  not 
been  willing  to  use  so  plain  an  affair  as  the 
original  one,  but  had  had  others  made  on 
the  same  pattern,  only  covered  with  gold 
and  eems,  somewhat  to  his  discomfiture.  In 
Jahangir’s  Memoirs  no  reference  is  made  to 
the  mission  from  England,  except  a bare 
mention  of  these  carriages. 

So  they  proceeded  to  the  camp,  which  was 
a great  wonder,  having  been  set  up  and 
finished  in  four  hours,  yet  it  was  not  less  than 
twenty  English  miles  in  compass.  “ The 
vale  showed  like  a beautiful  city,  for  the  bag- 
gage made  no  confusion.  I was  ill  provided 
with  carriage,  and  ashamed  of  my  equipage  ; 
for  five  years’  allowance  would  not  have  pro- 
vided me  with  an  indifferent  suit  answerable 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hhidustan  221 

to  the  others,  so  I returned  to  my  poor 
house.” 

“ You  may  add  to  all  this,”  says  another 
authority,  “that  the  Grand  Mogul  keeps  nigh 
him  two  or  three  thousand  -brave  horses,  to 
be  always  ready  upon  occasion  ; as  also  eight 
or  nine  hundred  elephants,  and  a vast  num- 
ber of  mules,  horses,  and  porters  to  carry  all 
the  great  tents  and  their  cabinets,  to  carry 
his  wives,  kitchens,  household  stuff,  Ganges 
water,  and  all  the  other  necessaries  for  the 
field  which  he  hath  always  about  him,  as  if 
he  were  at  home.” 

The  envoy  was  now  obliged  to  follow  the 
court  in  its  migrations,  finding  transporta- 
tion and  food  as  best  he  might.  He  took  up 
his  lodgings  in  tents,  or  sometimes  on  the 
abandoned  castles  of  Rajput  rajahs,  so  beau- 
tiful “ that  a banished  Encjlishman  mig^ht  be 
content  to  live  there.”  He  learns  the  in- 
trigues of  the  court,  and  promises  to  tell  a 
tale  “which  will  discover  a noble  prince,  an 
excellent  wife,  a faithful  counsellor,  a crafty 
step-mother,  an  ambitious  son,  a cunning 
favorite,  all  reconciled  by  a patient  king. 


22  2 The  Mogul  Emperors 

whose  heart  was  not  understood  by  any  of 
all  those.”  But  I cannot  find  that  he  re- 
deems his  promise.  He  sees  this  patient 
king  embrace  a dirty,  ragged  dervish  after 
conversing  with  him  familiarly  for  an  hour, 
which  left  him  “ in  admiration  to  see  such 
virtue  in  a heathen  prince,  which  I mention 
in  emulation  and  sorrow  ; wishing  either  that 
our  Christian  princes  had  this  devotion,  or 
that  this  zeal  were  guided  by  a true  light  of 
the  gospel.” 

“ Laws  these  people  have  none  written. 
The  king’s  judgment  binds ; who  sits  and 
gives  judgment  with  much  patience,  both  in 
civil  and  criminal  causes,  where  sometimes 
he  sees  execution  done  by  his  elephants,  with 
too  much  delight  in  blood.  His  governors 
of  provinces  rule  by  his  commissions  author- 
izing them,  and  take  life  and  goods  at 
pleasure.” 

“In  revenue  the  kinor  doubtless  exceeds 

o 

either  Turk  or  Persian  ; the  sums  I dare  not 
name  ; but  the  reason.  All  the  land  is  his ; 
no  man  has  a foot.  He  maintains  all  that 
are  not  mechanics,  by  revenues  bestowed  on 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Plindustan  223 

them.  Favor  is  got  by  frequent  presents 
rich  and  rare.  The  Mogul  is  heir  to  all  that 
die.  He  takes  all  their  money,  only  leaving 
the  widow  and  daughter  what  he  pleases. 
To  the  sons  of  those  that  die  worth  two  or 
three  millions,  he  gives  some  small  lordship 
to  begin  the  world  anew.  He  is  of  counte- 
nance cheerful,  not  proud  by  nature,  but  only 
by  habit  and  custom,  for  at  night  he  is 
very  affable  and  full  of  gentle  conversa- 
tion.” 

One  of  these  evening  conversations  is 
more  minutely  described  : “ The  good  king 
fell  to  dispute  of  the  laws  of  Moses,  Jesus, 
and  Mahomet,  and  in  drink  was  so  kind,  that 
he  turned  to  me  and  said  : I am  a king  ; you 
shall  be  welcome.  Christians,  Moors,  Jews, 
he  meddled  not  with  their  faith  ; they  came 
all  in  love,  and  he  would  protect  them  from 
wrong;  they  lived  under  his  safety,  and  none 
should  oppress  them  ; and  this  often  re- 
peated, but  in  extreme  drunkenness,  he  fell 
to  weeping  and  to  divers  passions,  and  so 
kept  us  till  midnight,” 

With  this  we  leave  Sir  Thomas  with  re- 


224 


1 he  Mogul  Empet'ors 


gret,  so  many  of  his  own  adventures  being 
untouched  upon. 

“ The  Jesuits  have  a church  at  Agra,”  says 
Bernier,  “ and  a building  which  they  call  a 
college,  where  they  privately  instruct  the 
children  of  (some)  thirty  Christian  families, 
collected  I know  not  how  in  Acrra,  and 
induced  to  settle  there  by  the  kind  and  chari- 
table aid  which  they  receive  from  the  Jesuits. 
This  religious  order  was  invited  hither  by 
Akbar,  and  that  prince  not  only  gave  them 
an  annual  income  for  their  maintenance,  but 
permitted  them  to  build  churches  in  Agra 
and  Lahore.  The  Jesuits  found  a still 
warmer  patron  in  Jahangir,  but  they  were 
sorely  oppressed  by  Shah  Jahan.  That 
monarch  deprived  them  of  their  pension, 
and  destroyed  the  church  at  Lahore  and  the 
greater  part  of  that  at  Agra.” 

Jahangir’s  attitude  towards  religion  is  well 
set  forth  in  the  following  story,  which  may 
not  be  true,  but  which  is  ben  trovato.  The 
Muslim  doctors  had  admonished  him  acjainst 

O 

* His  empress,  Mumtaz-i-Mahal,  was,  for  some  unknown 
reason,  especially  unfriendly  to  Christians. 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hindtista7t  225 

the  use  of  forbidden  meats,  etc.  ; Jahangir, 
becoming  impatient,  inquired  in  what  religion 
the  use  of  every  kind  of  meat  and  drink  was 
permitted.  The  reply  was,  in  the  Christian 
religion  alone.  “We  must,  then,”  said  the 
emperor,  “all  turn  Christians.” 

Professor  Blochmann  {Aui-i-Akbari,  pp. 
310,  477,  619)  has  collected  a list  of  twenty- 
four  of  Jahangir’s  wives,  and  there  easily 
may  have  been  more.  Their  number  may 
account  for  an  amusing  instance  of  the 
emperor’s  easy-going  fashions.  In  his  Ale- 
moirs,  Jahangir  says  that  Prince  Parwiz, 
his  child,  is  the  son  of  Zain  Kokah’s  daugh- 
ter, whom  he  married  in  the  forty-first  year 
of  Akbar’s  reign.  There  is  no  doubt  what- 
ever that  Parwiz  was  born  in  the  thirty- 
fourth  year,  long  before  Jahangir  had  seen 
the  daughter  of  Zain.  Hence  it  follows, 
apparently,  that  Jahangir  had  forgotten  to 
which  one  of  his  many  wives  he  was  indebted 
for  his  second  son. 

The  acts  of  Jahangir  are  given  at  length 
in  his  own  Memoirs  and  in  some  of  the 
writings  of  the  native  historians.  In  the 


2 26  The  Mogul  Emperors 

following  chapter  of  this  book  the  history  of 
the  last  years  of  his  reign  is  recited.  But 
it  is  not  the  history  which  is  of  special 
interest  to  Europeans,  and  still  less  to 
Americans.  Our  desire  is  to  comprehend 
the  character  of  this  powerful  and  autocratic 
ruler,  as  we  understand  that  of  Louis  XIV 
of  France  from  the  Memoirs  of  Saint-Simon. 
The  native  historians  are  but  poor  substi- 
tutes for  the  literary  duke  who  has  written 
the  annals  of  the  reign  of  the  Very  Christian 
King.  And  Jahangir’s  Afe?noirs  are  seldom 
worth  quoting,  and  give  but  a slight  picture 
of  his  personality.  I append  a few  extracts 
from  various  sources  which  have  a sort  of 
value,  and  reserve  the  more  important  for 
the  next  chapter,  which  treats  of  the  reign 
of  the  emperor’s  wife,  who,  after  all,  was  the 
real  ruler  of  the  state  for  many  years. 

We  read  in  the  Memoirs  of  Jahangir : 
“ One  night  I turned  the  discourse  of  my 
courtiers  on  the  chase,  and  told  them  how 
fond  of  it  I formerly  was.  At  the  same  time 
it  occurred  to  my  mind  whether  all  the  ani- 
mals and  birds  I had  killed  could  not  be 


Jahangir y Emperor  of  Hindttstan  227 

calculated.”  The  result  was  that  from  his 
twelfth  to  his  fiftieth  year  he  had  killed 
17,168  animals  and  birds  with  his  own  hand, 
“and  the  following  is  an  account  of  them  in 
detail.” 

■»  -55-  * * * * -s 

Of  these  86  were  tigers,  90  wild  boars, 
1,372  deer,  13,964  birds,  etc. 

Two  young  nobles  of  the  city  were  very 
dissipated,  “ lived  in  great  pomp,  and  did  not 
care  for  the  emperor.”  They  amused  them- 
selves by  passing  the  palace  in  pleasure-boats, 
noisily,  though  they  had  often  been  warned. 
Jahangir  gave  a hint  to  one  of  his  officers, 
and  the  young  men  were  incontinently  assas- 
sinated, and  the  emperor’s  peace  was  dis- 
turbed no  more.  Jahangir  was  fond  of  cruel 
and  unusual  punishments.  He  revived  the 
barbarous  impalements  and  Hayings  alive 
which  had  been  almost  forgotten.  He  was 
ingenious,  too.  A number  of  Amirs  had  dis- 
graced  the  imperial  cause  by  a defeat.  He 
caused  the  portrait  of  each  Amir  to  be 
painted  in  miniature,  and,  taking  the  por- 
traits in  hand,  one  by  one,  he  showered 


2 28  The  Mogul  Emperors 

abuse  on  each  Amir  before  the  assembled 
courtiers.  In  another  instance,  the  emperor 
caused  the  offenders’  heads  to  be  shaved  and 
women’s  veils  to  be  thrown  over  their  faces. 
Thus  arrayed  they  were  paraded  through  the 
city  on  donkeys,  seated  so  as  to  face  the 
donkeys’  tails.  Sewing  the  eyelids  together 
was  a favored  mode  of  punishment,  as  also 
fastening  the  culprit  inside  the  skin  of  a 
newly-killed  animal.  As  the  skin  dried  the 
victim  perished. 

“ With  the  object  of  acquiring  information 
about  the  history  of  Kabul,  I used  to  read 
Babar’s  Memoirs,  which  all,  except  four  parts, 
was  written  with  his  own  hand.  To  com- 
plete the  work,  I copied  those  parts  myself, 
and  at  the  end  I added  some  paragraphs  in 
the  Turki  language  to  show  that  they  were 
written  by  me.  Though  I was  brought  up 
in  Hindustan,  yet  I am  not  deficient  in  read- 
ing and  writing  Turki.” 

Here  is  a specimen  of  the  religious  debates 
of  which  he  was  so  fond.  “ One  day  I ob- 
served to  some  learned  Hindus,  that  if  the 
foundation  of  their  religion  rested  on  their 


Jaha7igir,  E^nperor  of  Hindtista7i  229 

belief  in  the  ten  incarnate  gods,  it  was  en- 
tirely absurd,  because  in  such  a case  it  became 
necessary  to  admit  that  the  Almighty,  who 
is  infinite,  must  possess  a definite  breadth, 
length,  and  depth.”  “ After  a long  discourse 
they  admitted  that  there  was  a God  who  had 
no  corporeal  form  and  of  whom  they  had 
no  definite  notion  ” (which  appears  to  have 
agreed  with  Jahangir’s  own  ideas).  They 
had  represented  him  by  these  ten  figures  so 
as  to  raise  their  minds  up  to  him.  “ I then 
told  them  they  could  not  attain  that  end  by 
this  means.”  Vishnu  and  his  ten  (nine) 
incarnations  seem  to  be  referred  to  here  at 
first,  and  the  Great  First  Cause  at  last  ; but 
the  king  is  more  practical  and  positive  than 
explicit. 

Jahangir  was  fond — too  fond — of  the  poet 
Urfi,  a man  of  real  talent.  These  verses  are 
his : 

Cling  to  the  hem  of  a heart  -Jihich  saddens  at  the  plaintive  voice  of 
the  nightingale  ; for  that  heart  knows  something. 


The  more  I exert  myself,  the  more  I come  into  trouble ; if  I am 
calm,  the  ocean's  centre  is  at  the  shore. 


230 


The  A/ogul  Emperors 


Not  a grain  shall  be  taken  of  that  -which  thou  hast  reaped,  but  a 

harvest  shall  be  demanded  of  that  -which  thou  hast  not  so-wn. 

The  emperor  sets  down,  in  his  Memoirs, 
that  certain  tribes  “ associate  and  intermarry 
with  Hindus,  giving  and  taking  daughters. 
As  for  taking,”  he  says,  “ it  does  not  so  much 
matter  ; but  as  for  giving  their  own  daughters 
— heaven  protect  us  ! ” 

Here  is  one  of  the  king’s  experiments — 
the  trivial  fooling  of  a muddled  brain.  “As 
it  has  been  several  times  asserted  that  laugh- 
ter arises  from  eating  saffron,  his  majesty 
determined  on  making  a trial  of  its  effects, 
and,  therefore,  sent  for  a condemned  criminal 
and  made  him  eat  (a  large  quantity)  in  his 
presence.  It  did  not  occasion  any  change  in 
him.  On  the  next  day  he  gave  him  double 
the  quantity,  but  it  did  not  even  cause  him  to 
smile,  much  less  to  laugh.”  The  royal  ex- 
perimenter neglected  an  important  element. 
He  should  first  have  pardoned  \\\s  criminal  ! 

Jahangir  describes,  in  his  Memoirs,  one  of 
the  classic  feats  of  Indian  jugglery  : “ They 
produced  a chain,  fifty  cubits  in  length,  and 
threw  one  end  of  it  towards  the  sky,  where 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hindtista7t  231 

it  remained  as  if  fastened  to  something.  A 
dog  was  brought,  and  immediately  ran  up 
the  chain  and  disappeared  in  the  air.  In 
the  same  manner  a hog,  a panther,  a lion, 
and  a tiger  were  successively  sent  up,  and 
all  equally  disappeared.  At  last  they  took 
down  the  chain  and  put  it  into  a bag,  no  one 
discovering  in  what  way  the  different  animals 
were  made  to  vanish.”  Similar  jugglers’ 
tricks  were  shown  to  I bn  Batuta,  the  Arab 
traveller,  in  1348.  The  Kazi,  who  sat  next 
to  him,  made  a skeptical  comment  on  the 
whole  performance.  “Wallah!”  said  he,  “it 
is  my  opinion  there  has  been  neither  going 
up  nor  coming  down,  neither  marring  nor 
mending;  ’tis  all  hocus-pocus.”  The  emperor 
is  a capital  witness.  As  this  probably 
occurred  in  the  daytime,  he  was,  in  all  likeli- 
hood, sober.  One  could  not  ask  for  better 
evidence  for  this  famous  trick,  which  has 
been  described  by  others  also.  If  Indian 
jugglers  can  hypnotize  an  entire  audience, 
and  if  they  can  then  suggest  to  each  member 
of  it  that  he  sees  what  is  desired,  and  if 
every  individual  can  be  forced  to  recollect 


232  The  Mogul  Emperors 

all  the  details  of  the  performance,  the  trick 
is  explicable.  Otherwise,  we  must  share 
Jahangir’s  bewilderment.* 

In  the  sixth  year  of  his  reign  (a.h,  1020), 
Jahangir  coined  his  famous  gold  moJmr.  On 
one  face  is  a portrait  of  the  emperor  in  the 
act  of  raising  a wine-cup  to  his  lips  ; on  the 
other  is  the  sun  in  the  constellation  of  Leo. 
The  inscription  on  the  coin  is  in  Persian. 
Perhaps  no  more  extraordinary  coin  was  ever 
minted.  The  emperor  broke  with  all  tradi- 
tions. The  Muhammadans — at  least,  of  the 
Sunni  sect — did  not  permit  the  making  of 
statues  and  effiories.  Wine  was  abhorred  of 

o 

all  good  Muslims,  and  on  this  coin  it  was 
celebrated  by  the  head  of  the  state,  who  was 
also  the  head  of  the  church.  It  was  as  if  the 
Pope  should  strike  a medal  defiling  the  cross 
and  denying  the  Holy  Ghost. f 

* Since  the  foregoing  was  written  1 have  noticed  that  Mr. 
Andrew  Lang  {Contemporary  Review  for  September,  1S93)  seems 
to  regard  the  explanation  by  hypnotic  illusion  as,  at  least,  plausible  ; 
and  Mr.  Frank  Stockton  has  adopted  it,  out  and  out,  in  his  tale  of 
The  Magic  Egg  {The  Century  for  June,  1894). 

J It  is  not  strictly  correct  to  say  that  Jahangir  was  the  head  of 
the  orthodox  church.  The  successor  of  Muhammad  is  that  person 
who  has  the  custody  of  the  relics  of  the  prophet  i,his  cloak,  teeth. 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hindustan  233 

The  face  is  interesting,  and  it  is  probably 
an  unflattered  likeness,  as  it  resembles  por- 
traits of  Jahangir  which  are  accepted  as 
authentic.  The  jaw  is  heavy,  the  nose  long, 
and  broad  at  the  base,  and  the  expression 
astute  and  sly.  In  the  same  year  another 
coin  was  minted,  where  the  wine-cup  is  ex- 
changed for  a book  (which  can  only  be  the 
Kuran),  and  on  which  the  expression  of  the 
emperor’s  face  is  entirely  changed.  His  atti- 
tude is  one  of  dignity ; his  face  is  softened 
and  refined ; he  is  no  longer  the  violator,  but 
the  protector,  of  the  law. 

It  has  been  surmised  that  the  first  coin 
gave  such  occasion  of  scandal  (as  well  it 
might)  that  the  second  was  struck  to  take  its 
place.  This  may  be  so,  but  it  then  becomes 
difficult  to  explain  why  another  coin  was 
minted  in  the  year  a.h.  1023,  three  years 
later,  in  which  the  wine-cup  again  appears. 
The  sun  on  these  coins  serves  to  recall  the 
fact  that  the  emperor  was  born  on  a Sunday. 

beard,  etc.),  and  who  rules  the  sacred  cities  of  Mecca  and  Medina. 
These  titles  belong  to  the  Sultan  of  Constantinople  (the  Khalife=; 
successor).  But  in  India  the  orthodox  doctors  of  the  law  had 
declared  the  emperor  to  be  the  head  of  the  church. 


234 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


Jahangir  also  caused  a silver  medal  to  be 
struck  soon  after  his  father’s  death,  which 
bears  the  effigy  of  Akbar.  The  face  has 
only  a moustache,  and  not  the  beard  of  the 
orthodox  Muslim.  Yet  the  obverse  of  the 
medal  bears  the  profession  of  faith  : There 
is  no  God  b7it  God;  Miihammad  is  the 
Apostle  of  God. 

With  this  we  may  leave  this  nest  of 
tyrants.  The  atmosphere  in  which  they 
lived  is  foreign  to  us,  and  their  actions  seem 
wild  and  barbarous  to  us  Western  folk  who 
live  our  orderly  lives  between  well-drawn 
lines  which  we  do  not  overstep.  “ Custom 
makes  cowards  of  us  all,”  and  habit  makes  us 
unreflecting.  These  Oriental  despots  were 
no  more  savage  or  vindictive  or  careless  than 
the  Caesars  ; and  we  have  long  ago  accepted 
them  as  part  of  our  ancestry. 

It  is  clear  that  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  a model 
Briton,  was  continually  and  unconsciously 
comparing  the  Emperor  Jahangir  with  his 
own  English  king,  not  always  to  the  advan- 
tag-e  of  the  latter.  Even  to  us,  who  have 
crossed  the  seas  and  the  centuries,  there  is 


Jahangir,  Emperor  of  Hmdustan  235 


something'  not  totally  unfamiliar  in  this 
Oriental  nature  freely  displayed  under  strange 
and  outlandish  conditions. 

Coelum,  no7i  animum  mutant,  qui  trans 
mare  eicrrimt. 

Note. — The  description  of  Jahangir’s  coins  on  pages  232  et  seq, 
was  written  after  consulting  the  older  authorities  (Marsden,  etc.), 
the  only  ones  then  available  to  me.  It  is  not  strictly  correct  in 
several  respects.  Those  interested  should  refer  to  Dr.  R.  S.  Poole’s 
Coins  of  the  Moghul  Emperors,  London,  1892,  pages  Ixxx,  62,  etc., 
where  plates  of  these  coins  are  given. 


236 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


CHAPTER  VI 

NUR-MAHAL  (tHE  LIGHT  OF  THE  PALACE), 

EMPRESS  OF  HINDUSTAN  (a.D.  161  I-1627) 

In  the  history  of  the  reigns  of  the  Great 
Moguls,  the  women  of  the  royal  house 
seldom  appear,  except  in  the  character  of 
devoted  or  intriguing  wives  and  mothers, 
whose  words  are  never  heard  on  this  side  of 
the  curtain  which  shuts  them  away  from  the 
world.  The  fierce  light  which  beats  upon 
the  throne  penetrates  the  harem  only  to 
make  a twilight  of  mystery  and  intrigue. 
There  is  one  great  and  striking  exception  in 
the  person  of  the  Empress  Nur-Mahal,  whose 
reign  was  nearly  contemporaneous  with  that 
of  King  James  I,  of  England,  the  successor  of 
Elizabeth,  and  who  may  fairly  be  compared 
with  that  great  English  queen. 

We  are  more  or  less  familiar  in  the  Western 
world  with  the  power  of  women  in  govern- 
ment. But  our  Western  heroines — Frede- 


NUR-MAHAL 


Nur-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hindustan  237 

gonde,  Joan  of  Arc,  Madame  de  Stael — have 
been  personages  who  could  be  seen  and 
heard.  The  Indian  queen,  after  the  time  of 
Babar,  was  confined  to  the  harem,  and  could 
be  seen  only  by  her  nearest  relations,  and 
could  be  heard  only  from  behind  the  curtain. 
I have  met  but  two  works  which  give  a 
realizing  sense  of  the  power  of  Oriental 
women  ; namely,  the  brilliant  novel  of  Kip- 
ling and  Balestier,  The  Naulakha  (1892), 
and  the  Memoirs  of  a certain  wazir,  one 
Nizamu-l-Mulk  Tusi  (a.d.  1092),  some  eight 
hundred  years  earlier.  The  wazir  s whole 
history  is  interesting.  His  accounts  of  the 
power  of  female  intrigue  are  pathetic.  “ Now, 
from  what  I have  said,  the  disadvantages 
of  the  ladies  of  the  royal  household  being 
against  us  {wazirs^  may  be  learned.  But 
the  advantacres  of  their  beings  in  our  favor 
are  equally  numerous,”  as  he  goes  on  to 
show  by  a story  too  long  to  relate.  He 
quotes  the  words  of  a powerful  minister  who 
resigned  his  office  and  went  to  govern  a 
remote  province,  as  an  example.  “ What 
made  him  prefer  it  to  a rank  in  which  he 


238  The  Mogul  Emperors 

exercised  influence  over  the  whole  kinof- 

o 

dom?”  “O  Imam!”  the  ex-minister  says, 
“ I have  not  told  this  secret  even  to  my  sons, 
but  I will  not  conceal  the  truth  from  you. 
I have  resigned  that  power  on  account  of 
Jamila  Kandahari  (one  of  the  queen’s  ladies). 
For  years  I had  the  management  of  all  the 
government  in  my  hands,  and  she  thwarted 
me  in  everything.  For  this  reason  there  was 
darkness'  before  my  eyes,  and  I could  find  no 
remedy  against  the  evil.  Now  I have  sought 
retirement,  and  have  procured  release  from 
all  such  troubles.  If  Allah  pleases,  I shall 

escape  her  machinations  in  this  distant  prov- 

• 

ince. 

The  Emperor  Jahangir  had  succeeded 
Akbar  in  the  year  1605.  the  thirty-first 
year  of  Akbar’s  reign  he  had  rebelled  against 
his  father,  and  had  set  up  a separate  govern- 
ment in  the  Penjab  and  appropriated  the  rev- 
enue (thirty  lacs  of  rupees)  to  his  own  use. 
To  remove  his  chief  enemy  at  court,  he  had 
basely  murdered  his  father’s  prime  minister 
and  attached  friend,  the  learned  Abul-fazl, 
and  had  embittered  the  last  days  of  his  great 


Ntir-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hindttstan  239 

sire  by  violent,  cruel,  and  rebellious  acts. 
“ About  the  close  of  my  father’s  reign  Abul- 
fazl  was  wearing  on  his  plausible  exterior 
the  jewel  of  probity,  which  he  sold  to  my 
father  at  a high  price.  He  was  not  my 
friend.  His  bearing  fully  convinced  me  that 
if  he  were  allowed  to  arrive  at  court  he 
would  do  everything  in  his  power  to  excite 
the  indignation  of  my  father  against  me. 
Under  this  apprehension  I invited  Nar 
Singh  to  annihilate  Abul-fazl  on  his  journey, 
promising  him  favors.  God  aided  the  enter- 
prise ; Abul-fazl’s  followers  were  put  to 
flight,  and  he  himself  murdered.  His  head 
was  sent  to  me  at  Allahabad.”  Such  is 
Jahangir’s  own  account. 

Akbar’s  death  is  ascribed  to  his  vexation 
at  a disgraceful  and  public  quarrel  between 
Jahangir  and  his  son  Khosrou  about  the 
merits  of  their  respective  elephants  at  a fight 
of  animals. 

He  was  remorseless,  even  vindictive,  in 
the  punishment  of  crimes  against  the  state 
— that  is,  against  himself — and  this  seems  in 
a large  measure  to  have  been  a matter  of 


240  The  Mogul  Emperors 

settled  policy  on  his  part.  Jahangir  had  an 
intimate  horror  of  everything  that  tended  to 
disturb  the  indifferent  thoughtlessness  of  his 
self-indulgent  and  careless  life.  In  the  early 
portion  of  his  reign  he  was  obliged  to  stamp 
out  a rebellion  fomented  by  his  son  Khosrou. 
H is  own  words  are  : “ I entered  the  castle  at 
Lahore,  and  took  my  seat  in  the  royal  pavil- 
ion built  by  my  father,  and  I directed  that 
a number  of  sharp  stakes  should  be  set 
up,  upon  which  thrones  of  misfortune  and 
despair  I caused  the  seven  hundred  traitors 
to  be  impaled  alive.  Than  this  there  cannot 
be,”  he  goes  on,  “a  more  excruciating  pun- 
ishment, for  the  culprits  die  in  lingering 
torture.” 

His  son  was  finally  captured,  paraded 
between  the  lines  of  impaled  victims,  and 
then  imprisoned.  He  spent  the  time  in 
tears  and  groans  for  his  past  misconduct, 
and  no  doubt  in  deadly  fear  for  his  own  life. 
He  doubtless  recalled  his  father’s  express 
declaration  that  “ Sovereignty  does  not  re- 
gard the  relation  of  father  and  son  ; and 
it  is  said  a king  should  deem  no  one 


Nur-Malial,  Empress  of  Hindustan  241 

his  relation.”  Kingship  knows  no  kin- 
ship. 

Jahangir  always  evinced  “too  much  delight 
in  blood,”  and  his  violence  was  often  due  to 
intoxication  by  wine  or  opium.  “ From  that 
time  I took  to  wine  drinking,”  he  says,  “ and 
from  day  to  day  took  more  and  more,  until 
it  had  no  effect  upon  me,  and  I resorted  to 
drinking  spirits.  In  the  course  of  nine  years 
I got  up  to  twenty  cups  of  spirit,  fourteen  of 
which  I drank  in  the  day,  and  six  at  night.” 
Finally,  he  was  warned  to  stop  by  a faithful 
(and  courageous)  physician.  “ His  advice 
was  good,  and  life  was  dear ; and  for  fifteen 
years  I have  kept  to  six  cups,  neither  more 
nor  less.”  Opium  took  the  place  of  the 
abandoned  cups.  Two  of  his  brothers  died 
from  drunkenness. 

In  spite  of  this  dark  picture,  there  are 
many  excellent,  even  admirable,  traits  in  his 
character.  He  was  self-indulgent  and  capri- 
cious, rather  than  deliberately  vicious.  The 
very  first  act  of  his  reign  was  to  set  up  the 
“ chain  of  justice  ” in  his  palace  at  Agra — 

a golden  chain  sixty  feet  long,  reaching  from 
16 


243 


The  Mogiil  Emperors 


the  ground  to  his  chamber.  On  this  chain 
were  sixty  golden  bells,  and  a suitor  for 
justice  could  call  the  emperor’s  attention  to 
his  claim  without  the  intervention  of  any 
person.* 

H is  Memoirs,  from  which  I have  already 
quoted,  are  addressed  to  his  sons  and  dis- 
ciples, and  begin  thus  : 

“ First,  let  them  know  that  the  world  is  not 
eternal,  and  that  the  less  care  they  have  for 
it  the  better.  Act  towards  your  inferiors  as 
you  wish  that  your  superiors  should  act 
towards  you.”  It  is  clear  that  the  Jesuits 
of  Goa  had  left  their  mark  ; and  indeed  he 


* The  idea  was  not  original.  The  drums  of  Humayun  were 
established  for  the  same  end.  Sultan  Shamsu-d-din  Altamsh, 
(a.d.  1211)  at  Delhi,  “ made  an  order  that  any  man  who  suffered 
from  injustice  should  wear  colored  clothes.  Now  all  the  inhabit- 
ants of  India  wear  white  clothes,  so  that  whenever  he  rode  abroad 
and  saw  any  one  in  a colored  dress  he  inquired  into  his  grievance, 
and  look  means  to  render  him  justice.  But  he  was  not  satisfied 
(even)  with  this  plan,  and  said,  ‘ Some  men  suffer  injustice  in  the 
night,  and  I wish  to  give  them  redress.’  So  he  placed  at  the  door 
of  his  palace  two  marble  lions  on  two  pedestals.  These  lions  had 
iron  chains  round  their  necks  from  which  hung  great  bells.  The 
victim  of  injustice  came  at  night  and  rung  the  bell,  and  when  the 
Sultan  heard  it  he  inquired  into  the  case  and  gave  satisfaction  to 
the  complainant.” 


Ntir-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hindustan  243 

was  wonderfully  tolerant  of  all  religions, 
although  he  did  not  (openly)  go  so  far  in 
this  direction  as  his  father.  “ No  king  was 
ever  more  generous  and  kind  to  beggars”  or 
to  religious  mendicants — fakirs — or  more 
anxious  for  new  light  from  holy  men. 

Jahangir  had  been  born  in  the  house  of  a 
famous  Muslim  saint,  and  was  at  first  called 
by  his  name  (Selim). 

“ A famous  place  of  worship  is  in  this 
neighborhood,”  he  says,  “and  I went  to  see 
it  in  the  possible  chance  of  meeting  some 
fakir  from  whose  society  I might  derive 
advantage  ; but  such  a man  is  as  rare  as  the 
philosopher’s  stone,  and  all  that  I saw  was 
a small  fraternity  without  any  knowledge  of 
God,  the  sight  of  whom  filled  my  heart  with 
nothing  but  regret.” 

He  encouraged  all  sorts  of  learning  at  his 
court,  and  was  lavish  in  distribution  of  alms 
from  his  audience  window  every  week  (on 
Sundays).  He  was  fond  of  architecture  and 
art,  and  devoted  to  the  beauties  of  natural 
scenery  and  flowers,  even  childishly  so.  On 
his  way  to  Kashmir  the  army  marched  along 


244  Mogul  Emperors 

a river  bed,  “ and  the  oleander  bushes  were 
in  full  bloom,  and  of  exquisite  color,  like 
peach-blossoms.  I ordered  my  attendants 
to  bind  bunches  of  the  flowers  in  their  tur- 
bans, and  I thus  devised  a beautiful  garden.” 
At  another  camp  the  flowers  were  so  beauti- 
ful that  “ it  was  a sight  such  that  it  was 
impossible  to  take  one’s  eyes  off  it.”  He 
goes  on,  “ As  the  air  was  very  charming 
(and  the  flowers  beautiful),  I indulged  myself 
in  drinking  wine.  In  short,  I enjoyed  myself 
amazingly  on  this  march.” 

It  is  surprising  to  us  to  meet  this  appre- 
ciation of  nature  in  the  Mogul  character,  but 
it  is  a genuine  quality.  Chengiz-Khan,  that 
bloodthirsty  savage,  in  describing  a spot  in 
Tartary,  says,  “ It  is  a beautiful  grazing 
ground  for  roebucks,  and  a charming  resting 
place  for  an  old  man  ” — as  he  then  was.  To 
the  Moguls,  nature  was  beautiful,  but  it  was 
something  outside  of  themselves ; the  Greeks 
felt  themselves  a part  of  it. 

Jahangir  goes  on  to  say,  “ Kashmir  is  a 
delightful  country  in  the  seasons  of  autumn 
and  of  spring.  I visited  it  and  found  it 


N^jir-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hmdtistan  245 

even  more  charming  than  I had  anticipated. 
There  is  no  other  place  in  the  world  where 
saffron  is  so  abundantly  cultivated.  The 
fields  of  saffron  are  sometimes  two  miles  in 
length,  and  they  look  very  beautiful  at  a 
distance.  It  has  such  a strong  smell  that 
people  get  a headache  from  it.  I asked  the 
Kashmirians  whether  it  had  any  such  effect 
upon  them,  and  was  surprised  by  their  reply, 
which  was,  that  they  did  not  even  know 
what  headache  was.”  “The  surface  of  the 
land  is  so  covered  with  green  that  it  requires 
no  carpet  to  be  spread  upon  it.”  The 
place  was  full  of  wonders,  and  they  showed 
the  sceptical  king  a fountain  of  “ unfathom- 
able depth.”  He  ordered  it  sounded  by  a 
stone  and  a rope,  and  the  depth  turned  out 
to  be  nine  feet. 

He  was  a mighty  hunter,*  brave,  fond  of 
manly  sports,  devoted  and  affectionate  to  his 
friends,  always  providing  that  their  actions 
did  not  affect  the  safety  or  welfare'  of  the 
state,  and  again  I'Hat  c' ctait  hit;  and  cruel 

* He  had  killed  eighty-six  tigers  with  his  own  hand,  and  ninety 
wild  boars. 


246  The  Mogul  Emperors 

and  vindictive  in  the  contrary  case.  He  was 
deeply  attached  to  his  first  wdfe,  the  daughter 
of  the  Rajah  Bhagwan  Das  of  Amber,  and 
the  mother  of  his  rebellious  son  Khosrou. 
“ How  can  I describe  her  excellence  and 
good  nature?  Her  affection  for  me  was  such 
that  she  would  have  given  a thousand  sons 
as  a ransom  for  one  hair  of  mine.  She  was 
my  first  bride,  and  I was  married  to  her  in 
youth.  Her  death  had  such  an  effect  upon 
me  that  I did  not  care  to  live.  For  four 
days  and  nights  I did  not  care  to  eat  or 
drink.”  It  is  recorded,  also,  and  it  is  very 
likely  to  be  true,  that  after  Nur- Mahal  had 
become  his  empress  he  declared,  “ Before  I 
married  her,  I never  knew  the  real  meaning 
of  marriage.”  The  Persian  woman  was  made 
of  different  clay  from  the  daughters  of  the 
Rajput  princes. 

These  extracts  from  his  own  sayings  give 
a picture  of  the  capricious  despot  who 
succeeded  to  the  just  and  benevolent  Ak- 
bar. 

Professor  Dowson,  the  editor  of  Elliott’s 
History  of  India  as  told  by  its  ozan  Histo- 


Nur-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hmdustaji  247 

rians,  has  made  a calm  estimate  of  Jahangir’s 
character. 

“The  autobiography  proves  Jahangir  to 
have  been  a man  of  no  common  ability.  He 
records  his  weaknesses  and  confesses  his 
faults  with  candor,  and  a perusal  of  this  work 
alone  would  leave  a favorable  impression  of 
his  character  and  talents.  He  was  fond 
of  jewels,  of  flowers,  of  architecture,  a lover 
of  nature,  a mighty  hunter.  He  seems  to 
have  been  just,  and  even  generous,  when  he 
was  sober;  but  even  as  prince-royal  he  was 
noted  for  his  ruthless  punishments  when  he 
was  in  his  cups.” 

Such  was  the  king  who  received  the 
sovereignty  of  India  from  the  dying  Akbar, 
and  who  then  “ began  to  win  the  hearts  of 
all  the  people  and  to  rearrange  the  withered 
world.”  While  he  was  yet  crown-prince, 
he  had  seen  in  the  women’s  apartments  a 
young  girl  of  remarkable  beauty  for  whom 
he  formed  a passionate  attachment.  This 
was  Mihrunnisa,  afterwards  Nur-Mahal. 
Her  mother  found  means  to  lay  the  case 
before  Akbar,  who  remonstrated  with  his 


248 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


son,  and  who,  the  better  to  guard  against  a 
mesalliance,  married  the  girl  to  one  of  his 
own  officers,  Shir-Afghan-Khan,  on  whom  he 
bestowed  a government  in  distant  Bengal. 
The  newly  wedded  pair  departed  to  their 
government,  and  the  prince  was  duly  married 
to  the  grand-daughter  of  a great  rajah,  and 
became  a power  in  the  state,  warring  and 
making  war,  sometimes  for  his  father,  oftener 
on  his  own  account  in  rebellion. 

The  grandfather  of  Nur-Mahal  had  been 
ivazir  to  the  governor  of  Khorassan.  In 
consequence  of  adverse  circumstances  his 
son  Mirza  Ghiyas  Beg  set  out  for  Hindu- 
stan to  retrieve  his  fortunes.  His  caravan 
was  plundered,  and  he  was  reduced  to  abject 
poverty.  When  he  reached  Kandahar,  in  the 
year  1585,  his  wife  was  delivered  of  a girl 
child,  Mihrunnisa — the  sun  of  women — 
afterwards  called  Nur-Mahal.  So  desperate 
had  their  condition  become  that  the  infant 
was  exposed  on  the  highway  to  perish.  One 
of  the  chief  merchants  of  the  caravan,  see- 
ing the  beauty  of  the  child,  and  moved  by 
pity,  took  her  up  and  resolved  to  educate 


Nur-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hindustan  249 

her  as  his  own  daughter.  His  first  care  was 
to  seek  for  a nurse,  and  the  only  available 
nurse  in  the  party  was,  naturally,  the  child’s 
mother.  The  relation  thus  strangely  brought 
about  was  the  turning  point  in  their  career. 
When  they  reached  the  city  of  Fathpur, 
Ghiyas  Beg  was  presented  to  the  Emperor 
Akbar,  and  in  a short  time  he  was  raised 
to  the  office  of  superintendent  of  the  house- 
hold, and  the  fortunes  of  the  family  were 
made. 

“ He  was  considered  exceedingly  clever 
and  skilful  both  in  writing  and  in  transact- 
ing business.  He  had  studied  the  old 
poetry,  and  had  a nice  appreciation  of  the 
meaning  of  words,  and  his  handwriting  was 
bold  and  elegant” — accomplishments  which 
would  commend  him  to  the  emperor. 
“ His  leisure  moments  were  devoted  to  the 
study  of  poetry  and  style ; and  his  gener- 
osity and  beneficence  to  the  poor  were  such 
that  no  one  ever  turned  disappointed  from 
his  door.”  He  was  on  the  high  road  to 
prosp’erity,  and  improved  his  opportunities 
to  the  full.  “In  the  taking  of  bribes  he 


250 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


certainly  was  most  uncompromising  and  fear- 
less ” ! His  wife,  too,  was  a woman  of  note. 
Jahangir  relates  that  she  invented  attar  of 
roses.^  “ She  conceived  the  idea  of  collect- 
ing the  oil  which  rises  to  the  surface  when 
rose-water  is  heated,  and  the  oil  was  found 
to  be  a powerful  perfume.”  The  daughter, 
also,  was  unusually  accomplished  in  the  arts 
of  painting  and  fine  needlework,  it  is  said,  and 
she  wrote  a few  Persian  poems  also.  Their 
son  Asaf-Khan  rose  to  be  prime  minister 
under  the  succeeding  reign,  and  no  subject  of 
an  Indian  king  ever  enjoyed  a like  pros- 
perity. In  1641  he  died,  and  was  buried  near 
the  tomb  of  the  Emperor  Jahangir,  his  mas- 
ter. His  palace  in  Lahore  had  cost  a mil- 
lion dollars,  and  the  jewels,  plate,  and  money 
which  he  left  were  valued  at  over  twelve 
millions.  His  daughter  Arjamand  (after- 
wards Mumtaz-i-Mahal)  married  the  Prince 
Khurram  (afterwards  Shahjahan). 

In  the  meantime  Jahangir’s  first  wife  had 
died,  and  he  had  ascended  the  throne.  In 

* Antar,  an  Arab  novel  of  the  eighth  century,  mentions  attar  of 
roses,  however. 


Ahir-lMahal,  Empress  of  Hindtistan  251 

the  first  year  of  his  reign  he  sent  his  foster- 
brother  Kutbu-d-Din  to  Bengal  as  viceroy, 
and  charged  him  with  a mission  to  procure 
the  divorce  of  Nur-Mahal  and  to  send  her  to 
him.  Details  regarding  these  negotiations 
are  not  known,  but  it  is  certain  that  they 
were  received  with  anger  by  Shir-Afghan, 
her  husband  ; and  probably  Nur-Mahal  never 
heard  of  them  at  all.  At  all  events,  she 
appears  to  have  been  sincerely  attached  to 
her  first  husband. 

In  the  second  year  of  the  reign,  the  vice- 
roy, having  received  commands  to  send  Shir- 
Afghan  to  court,  made  an  official  visit  to 
his  government.  * The  men  of  the  viceroy 
crowded  around  Shir-Afghan,  who  had  only 
two  attendants,  and  who  asked  “ quietly  ” 
what  this  kind  of  proceeding  meant.  The 
viceroy  ordered  his  men  to  stand  apart,  and 
engaged  in  a conversation  in  which,  no  doubt, 
the  desires  of  the  emperor  were  again  de- 
clared, and  a promise  of  immunity  given  in 
case  the  husband  should  prove  docile  and 
complaisant.  However  this  may  be,  the  out- 
raged noble  immediately  killed  the  viceroy 


252 


The  Mogzil  Emperors 


with  a dagger  which  he  had  concealed,  and 
was  himself  at  once  cut  to  pieces  by  the 
viceroy’s  troops,* 

The  future  empress  was  sent  to  Agra,  and 
was  attached  to  the  suite  of  the  empress 
dowager.  Jahangir  was  sorely  distressed  by 
the  death  of  his  foster-brother  in  such  a 
cause,  and  Nur-Mahal  seems  to  have  re- 
pulsed his  offer  of  marriage  with  disgust,  and 
to  have  made  the  emperor  forget  her.  “She 
remained  some  time  without  notice.”  This 
“ some  time  ” must  have  been  about  four 
years,  for  it  was  not  until  the  sixth  year  (a.d. 
i6ii)  of  the  reign  that  “the  days  of  mis- 
fortune drew  to  a close,  and  the  stars  of  her 


* One  of  the  historians  relates  the  end  of  Shir-Afghan  differ- 
ently. He  says  that  Shir  was  not  killed  outright  (which  is  un- 
likely), but  managed  to  drag  himself  to  the  door  of  his  house, 
intending  to  kill  his  wife  rather  than  to  let  her  fall  into  Jahangir’s 
hands.  Nur-iNfahars  mother  would  not  let  him  enter,  and  declared 
to  him  that  his  wife  had  already  committed  suicide  by  throwing 
herself  into  a well.  “ Having  heard  the  sad  news,  Shir-Afghan 
went  to  the  heavenly  mansions.”  The  Muslim  comment  on  such 
stories  is  appropriate  here — Allah  knows  if  this  be  true.  Jahangir 
remarks  of  Shir- Afghan’s  death  in  his  Memoirs  that  he  hopes  “the 
black-faced  wretch  will  forever  remain  in  hell,”  which  seems  cruel 
and  in  keeping  with  his  character. 


Nur-AIahal,  Empress  of  Hindustan  253 

good  fortune  commenced  to  shine,  and  to 
wake  as  it  were  from  a deep  sleep,”  “ The 
bride’s  chamber  was  prepared,  the  bride  was 
decorated,  and  desire  began  to  arise.  Hope 
was  happy,  A key  was  found  for  closed 
doors,  a restorative  for  broken  hearts ; and 
on  a certain  New  Year’s  festival  she  (again) 
attracted  the  love  and  affection  of  the  king.” 
Thus  lamely  does  the  native  chronicler  recite 
the  history.  “ She  was  soon  made  the  favor- 
ite wife  of  his  majesty.  She  received  at 
first  the  title  of  Nur-lMahal  {the  light  of  the 
palace),  and  after  some  days  that  of  Nur- 
Jahan-Begam  {the  queen,  the  light  of  the 
world)." 

Up  to  this  time  she  had  led  the  usual  life 
of  an  Oriental  lady  of  rank,  hidden  from  the 
eyes  of  men,  and  having  only  an  occult  influ- 
ence upon  the  petty  affairs  of  a small  gov- 
ernment, At  one  step  she  became  the  chief 
personage  in  India.  “ All  her  relatives  were 
elevated  to  the  hicrhest  offices  of  the  state. 

o 

Her  father  became  prime  minister,  and  the 
king  and  his  relatives  were  thus  deprived  of 
all  power.  Nur- Mahal  managed  the  whole 


254 


The  Mogul  E77tperors 


affairs  of  the  realm,  and  honors  of  every 
description  were  at  her  disposal,  and  nothing 
was  wanting:  to  make  her  an  absolute  mon- 
arch,  except  reading  the  Khutba  * in  her 
name.”  The  Persian  child  who  had  been 
abandoned  in  the  desert  had  become  the 
veritable  ruler  of  all  India.  She  was  now 
twenty- six  years  old.  “ Day  by  day,”  says 
another  historian,  “ her  influence  and  dignity 
increased.  No  grant  of  land  was  bestowed 
upon  any  woman,  except  under  her  seal. 
She  was  granted  the  rights  of  sovereignty. 
She  would  sit  in  the  balcony  of  her  palace 
while  the  nobles  would  present  themselves 
(as  to  a king)  and  listen  to  her  dictates. 
Coin  was  struck  in  her  name  with  this 
superscription  : 

By  order  of  King  Jahangir,  gold  has  a hundred  splendors 
added  lo  it  by  receiving  the  impression  of  the  name  of  Nur-Jahan 
the  queen. 

“ She  signed  all  farmans  jointly  with  the 
king.  At  last  her  authority  reached  such  a 
pitch  that  the  king  was  such  only  in  name. 


* The  official  prayers. 


Nur-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hl7id2istan  255 

“ She  commands  and  governs  at  this  day 
in  the  king’s  harem  with  supreme  authority, 
having  cunningly  removed  out  of  the  harem, 
either  by  marriage  or  other  handsome  ways, 
all  the  other  women  who  might  give  her  any 
jealousy ; and  having  also  in  the  court  made 
many  alterations  by  deposing  and  displacing 
almost  all  the  old  captains  and  officers,  and 
by  advancing  to  dignities  other  new  ones  of 
her  own  creatures,  and  particularly  those 
of  her  blood  and  alliance.” 

By  this  time  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom 
were  in  excellent  shape,  and  the  self-indulgent 
Jahangir  laughed  and  said  that  he  had  be- 
stowed the  government  on  the  most  com- 
petent. As  for  himself,  he  asked  only  wine 
and  meat.  When  he  was  ill  he  dismissed 
the  physicians  (who  were  indeed  of  small 
account),  and  depended  only  on  the  empress, 
“whose  sense  and  experience”  exceeded 
theirs.  “ It  is  impossible  to  describe  the 
beauty  and  wisdom  of  the  queen ; in  any 
matter  that  was  presented  to  her,  if  a diffi- 
culty arose  she  immediately  solved  it.”  She 
was  benevolent  to  all,  protecting  some  from 


256 


The  Mogzil  Emperors 


tyranny,  and  portioning  penniless  orphans. 
“ She  won  golden  opinions  from  all  people.” 
The  greatest  of  all  her  benefits  was  in  modi- 
fying the  tyrannical  and  capricious  conduct 
of  the  emperor,  and  in  introducing  by  her 
own  intelligence  and  good  taste,  powerfully 
aided  in  the  wise  conduct  of  state  affairs  by 
her  father,  now  wazir,  something  like  a 
steady  policy.  The  affairs  of  the  kingdom 
were  prosperous  ; justice  of  a sort  was  easily 
attainable  ; the  court  was  magnificent  by  her 
taste  ; liberal  through  Jahangir’s  good  nature 
and  her  tact.  The  praise  which  has  been 
bestowed  on  another  Indian  Sultana,*  is 
justly  her  due.  “ She  was  endowed  with 
every  princely  virtue,  and  those  who  scruti- 
nize her  actions  most  severely  will  find  in 
her  no  fault  but  that  she  was  a woman.” 
Jahangir  had  four  sons  ; Khosrou,  the 
eldest,  had  been  in  open  rebellion  and  was 
in  disgrace.  His  father  had  always  disliked 
him,  but  the  people  attributed  his  exclusion 
from  the  court  to  the  influence  of  Asaf- 
Khan  and  the  empress.  He  died  suddenly 


* Rezia  Begum,  circa  a.d.  1240. 


Nur-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hindustan  257 

“ of  a colic,”  while  in  the  custody  of  his 
brother  Shah  Jahan,  at  a time  when  the 
emperor  was  ill ; and  his  death  \vas  attrib- 
uted (very  likely  falsely)  to  his  keeper. 
Prince  Parwiz,  the  second  son,  was  a brave 
and  dissipated  soldier,  and  little  more.  Shah 
Jahan  had  shown  very  high  military  talents, 
and  had  obtained  great  successes.  He  had 
married  a niece  of  Nur-Mahal’s,*  and  was 
sustained  at  court  (at  this  time)  by  her 
powerful  influence  ; and  for  this  reason,  and 
because  of  his  marked  talent  for  government, 
he  was  the  favorite  of  his  father.  To  all 
people,  even  to  the  greatest  nobles,  he  was 
cold  and  haughty.  “He  was  flattered  by 
some,  envied  by  others,  loved  by  none.” 

The  youngest  son  of  Jahangir  was  Prince 
Shahriyar,  who  was  afiflanced  to  the  daughter 
who  was  born  to  Nur-Mahal  of  her  alliance 
with  the  unfortunate  Shir-Afghan-Khan.  bJp 
to  the  time  of  their  enofa^ement,  Nur-Mahal 

* His  favorite  wife  was  Arjamand,  better  known  as  Mumtaz-i- 
Malial  (the  exalted  of  the  palace),  the  daughter  of  Asaf-Khan  ; 
the  niece  consequently  of  Nur-Mahal.  She  was  bom  in  1590,  and 
at  her  death,  in  1630,  she  was  buried  ii\  the  Taj-Mahal;  she  bore 
many  sons  and  daughters  to  Shah  Jahan. 


258  The  Mogul  Emperors 

had  been  a strong  partisan  of  Shah  Jahan. 
But  his  success  had  made  him  overbearing, 
and  the  empress  began  to  realize  that  she 
could  never  mould  him  to  her  purposes. 
Her  influence  was  thus  transferred  to  the 
cause  of  Shahriyar,  where  her  interest  lay. 
At  this  very  juncture  the  father  of  Nur- 
Mahal  died,  which  was  all  the  more  unfor- 
tunate, as  the  contentions  of  the  princes  and 
of  their  various  partisans  among  the  high 
nobles  began  to  be  troublesome.  Her 
brother  Azaf-Khan,  who  became  prime  min- 
ister in  his  father’s  stead,  was  far  too 
weak  to  master  events,  which  went  from  ill 
to  worse.  The  power  of  Shah  Jahan  grew 
daily,  and  if  it  were  to  be  curbed  at  all,  it 
must  be  done  at  once.  Accordingly  Nur- 
Mahal  cast  about  for  a general  who  should 

o 

be  devoted  to  her  cause,  to  lead  the  imperial 
armies.  Her  eye  fell  upon  Mahabet-Khan, 
one  of  the  (jreat  nobles.  Mahabet-Khan 
was  a saiyid,  a descendant  of  the  Prophet, 
of  high  family.  His  lineage  is  to  be  traced 
(if  we  are  to  believe  one  of  his  family) 
“ directly  to  the  prophet  IMoses.”  Mahabet- 


Nur-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hindtistan  259 

Khan  in  his  youth  entered  the  service  of 
Jahangir,  then  crown-prince,  and  became  a 
prime  favorite  with  him  by  (treacherously) 
murdering  a Hindu  rajah  who  stood  in  the 
prince’s  way.  Sir  Thomas  Roe  calls  him, 
however,  a noble  and  generous  man,  well 
beloved  by  all  men  ; and  he  had  risen  to  be 
the  most  eminent  of  all  the  nobles.  This 
general,  accompanied  for  a time  by  the 
emperor,  and  later  by  Prince  Parwiz,  drove 
Shah  Jahan  away  from  the  vicinity  of  Agra 
and  into  the  Deccan  ; and  so  thorough  was 
Shah  Jahan’s  defeat  that  Jahangir  felt  at 
liberty  to  go,  for  two  successive  summers,  to 
Kashmir. 

The  emperor  had  not  been  a very  loyal 
and  docile  son  to  Akbar,  and  had  given  his 
father  much  pain  and  anxiety  by  his  open 
opposition.  All  this  was  returned  to  him 
ten-fold  by  the  conduct  of  his  own  son 
Shah  Jahan.  Jahangir  does  not  mention 
him  by  name  in  parts  of  his  Memoirs,  but 
calls  him  “the  wretch.”  “Whenever  the 
word  ‘ wretch  ’ occurs  here,  it  is  my  son  who 
is  referred  to.”  “ The  pen  cannot  describe 


26o  The  Mogul  Emperors 

what  I have  done  for  him,  nor  the  anxiety 
and  grief  which  oppress  me  during  the  (mili- 
tary) marches  which  I am  obliged  to  make 
in  pursuit  of  him  who  is  no  longer  my  son.” 
The  close  connection  of  Mahabet-Khan 
with  Prince  Parwiz  led  to  the  fear  that  he 
would  endeavor  to  place  this  prince  upon 
the  throne,  and  it  was  resolved  to  ruin 
him.  Accordingly  Asaf-Khan  recalled  him 
to  the  court,  “ to  bring  him  to  disgrace, 
and  to  deprive  him  of  honor,  property,  and 
life.  But  he  had  cleverly  seen  through 
Asaf-Khan’s  designs,  and  had  brought 
with  him  four  or  five  thousand  Rajput 
warriors  united  in  one  cause.”  He  also 
brought  with  him  the  war-elephants.  “ The 
abiding  place  of  the  emperor  was  on  the 
bank  of  the  River  Behat,  ” where  a bridge 
had  been  built.  Mahabet-Khan  with  his 
army  came  to  the  court  at  this  bridge. 
“ Asaf-Khan,  notwithstanding  the  presence 
of  so  brave  and  daring  an  enemy,  was  so 
heedless  of  the  emperor’s  safety,  that  he 
left  him  on  that  side  of  the  river  with  the 
children  and  women.  He  sent  over  also 


Nur- Mahal,  Empress  of  Hindustan  261 

the  baggage,  the  treasure,  the  arms,  etc., 
even  to  the  very  domestics.  Mahabet-Khan 
perceived  that  his  life  and  honor  were 
at  stake,  and  that  he  had  not  a single 
friend  at  court.”  He  resolved  on  a bold 
stroke.  With  about  two  hundred  Rajputs 
he  suddenly  appeared  at  the  chief  entrance 
to  the  royal  tents.  Let  us  quote  the  account 
of  one  of  the  royal  household  who  was  an 
eye-witness.  “ Mahabet-Khan  rode  to  the 
door  of  the  state  room  and  alighted.  I 
then  went  forward,  and  in  my  simplicity 
exclaimed,  ‘ This  presumption  and  temerity 
exceeds  all  bounds.  If  you  will  wait  a 
moment,  I will  go  in  and  make  a report. 
He  did  not  trouble  himself  to  answer.” 
“His  attendants  tore  down  a board  parti- 
tion. The  emperor  came  out  from  behind 
it,  and  seated  himself.  The  Khan  ap- 
proached him  respectfully,  and  said,  ‘ I 
have  assured  myself  that  escape  from  the 
hatred  of  Asaf-Khan  is  impossible,  and  that 
I shall  be  put  to  death  in  shame.  I have 
therefore  boldly  and  presumptuously  thrown 
m.yself  on  your  Majesty’s  protection.  If  I 


262  The  Mogul  Emperors 

deserve  death  or  punishment,  give  the 
order,  that  I may  suffer  it  in  your  pres- 

_ y }} 

ence. 

But  it  was  for  the  Khan  to  make  terms, 
for  his  troops  flocked  in,  and  the  emperor 
was  a prisoner  without  a blow.  Jahangir 
was  wild  with  rage,  but  almost  instantly 
controlled  himself,  and  began  that  course 
of  dissimulation  which  led  to  his  release  in 
the  end.  He  consented  to  ride  out  before 
the  troops  on  an  elephant  to  the  hunting- 
ground,  and  was  then  forced  to  go  to  the 
Khan’s  quarters.  All  this  time  Mahabet- 
Khan  had  taken  no  thought  of  Nur-Mahal, 
and  he  determined  to  make  her  a prisoner 
also.  “ But,  as  it  happened,  Nur-Mahal, 
thinking  that  his  Majesty  had  gone  out 
hunting,  took  the  opportunity  to  pass  over 
the  river  to  pay  a visit  to  her  brother 
Asaf-Khan.  ” Mahabet-Khan  bitterly  re- 
pented of  the  blunder  he  had  made  in  not 
securing  her  at  once,  and  he  proceeded  with 
the  emperor  to  the  house  of  Prince  Shah- 
riyar,  where  they  spent  the  night. 

“ After  Nur-Mahal  had  crossed  the  river. 


Nur-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hindustan  263 

she  summoned  all  the  chief  nobles,  and  ad- 
dressed them  in  reproachful  terms,  ‘ This,’ 
she  said,  ‘ has  happened  through  your  neg- 
lect and  stupid  arrangements.*  What 
never  entered  into  the  imagination  of  any 
one  has  come  to  pass,  and  now  you  stand 
stricken  with  shame  for  your  conduct.  You 
must  do  your  best  to  repair  this  evil.’  ” 

The  bridge  had  been  destroyed,  and  the 
nobles  resolved  to  pass  the  river  at  a ford, 
and  to  give  battle  to  the  rebel. 

The  ford  was  a bad  one,  and  everything 
was  in  confusion.  “ I (says  the  officer 
whose  account  is  quoted  above)  had 
crossed  one  branch  of  the  river,  and  was 
standing  on  the  brink  of  the  other,  watch- 
ing the  working  of  destiny.  At  this  time 
an  officer  of  the  empress  came  and  said, 
‘ The  Begam  wants  to  know  if  this  is  a 
time  for  delay  and  irresolution.  Strike 
boldly  forward.’”  The  empress  herself  was 
in  the  press,  mounted  on  an  elephant,  and 


* It  is  impossible  not  to  suspect  treachery  on  the  part  of  Asaf- 
Khan.  Though  Nur-Mahal  was  his  sister,  his  daughter  was  the 
wife  of  Shah  Jahan. 


264  The  Mogul  Emperors 

nearly  reached  the  opposite  shore,  which 
was  defended  by  swarms  of  Rajputs,  Her 
attendant  in  the  howdah  was  wounded,  and 
the  empress  pulled  out  the  arrow  and  was 
covered  with  the  blood.  This  could  not 
affright  her,  for  she  was  a brave  and  skil- 
ful hunter  who  had  killed  tigers  with  a 
single  shot.*  However,  she  was  at  last 
forced  to  turn  back,  and  the  army  was 
defeated,  Asaf-Khan  fled  to  his  fort,  which 
was  invested  and  captured,  and  Asaf  bound 
himself  to  support  the  cause  of  Mahabet- 
Khan.  The  emperor  and  Nur-Mahal  re- 
mained prisoners  of  the  Khan,  who  gave 
orders  in  their  name. 

“ His  majesty,  in  his  great  good  nature, 
and  gentleness,f  had  now  become  reconciled 


*In  Jahangir’s  own  Memoirs  we  read:  “ My  huntsmen  reported 
that  there  was  a tiger  in  the  neighborhood.  I ordered  his  retreat 
to  be  surrounded.  I told  Nur-Jahan  to  fire  my  musket.  The 
smell  of  the  tiger  made  the  elephant  very  restless  and  he  would  not 
stand  still;  and  to  take  good  aim  from  a howdah  is  a very  difficult 
feat.  Mirza  Rustam,  who,  after  me,  has  no  equal  as  a marksman, 
has  fired  three  or  four  shots  from  an  elephant’s  back  without  effect. 
Nur-Jahan,  however,  killed  this  tiger  with  the  first  shot.” 
f Which,  beyond  a doubt,  were  assumed. 


Ntir-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hindiistan  265 

to  Mahabet-Khan,  and  showed  him  great 
favor,  so  that  he  felt  quite  secure  on  that 
side.  Whatever  Nur-Mahal  said  to  the  em- 
peror in  private,  he  repeated  to  the  Khan, 
and  he  bade  him  beware,  for  she  had  a design 
upon  him.  Mahabet  became  less  watchful. 
Besides,  he  had  lost  some  of  his  best  soldiers 
in  the  fight.  Nur-Mahal  worked  against  him 
in  private  and  public,”  She  suggested  to  the 
emperor  to  order  a review  of  the  troops,  and 
as  she  was  an  over-lord  of  a district  near  by, 
she  mustered  a formidable  array  of  cavalry 
devoted  to  her  cause. 

The  review  was  held,  and  Mahabet-Khan 
was  prevailed  upon  to  absent  himself  with 
many  of  his  own  troops,  lest  blood  should  be 
again  shed.  His  weakness  induced  him  to 
accede,  and  he  left  the  emperor  surrounded 
by  only  a portion  of  his  Rajputs.  At  the  * 
review,  the  cavalry  of  the  empress  pressed 
close  around  this  guard  and  overawed  it,  and 
once  more  the  emperor  was  his  own  master 
— saved  by  his  own  crafty  dissimulation  and 
by  the  more  manly  energy  of  the  empress. 
Mahabet-Khan  received  peremptory  orders 


266 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


to  march  at  once  against  Shah  Jahan,  and  to 
send  Asaf-Khan  back  to  court.  He  hesitated 
to  obey  the  latter  order,  “which  greatly  en- 
raged the  Begam,”  who  sent  him  a second 
message  which  cowed  him,  and  which  was 
promptly  obeyed.  He  set  off  on  his  journey 
with  about  two  thousand  troops,  and  joined 
his  fortunes  with  Prince  Shah  Jahan,  whom 
he  had  been  sent  to  destroy. 

It  was  at  this  very  time  that  Prince  Parwiz 
died  in  “a  heavy  sleep.”  His  illness  was 
attributed  to  excessive  drinking,  but,  as  Mu- 
hammadans say  in  doubtful  cases,  “Allah 
knows  if  this  be  true.”  Poisonings  were 
suspected  in  this  reign  as  freely  as  in  that 
of  Louis  XIV  of  France,  a century  later. 
He  was  in  the  custody  of  his  brother  Shah 
Jahan.  The  twenty-second  year  of  the  reign 
of  Jahangir  had  now  begun.  Nur-Mahal  was 
all-powerful,  but  the  forces  of  Shah  Jahan 
were  increasing.  Sultan  Shahriyar  also  be- 
came ill,  and  was  obliged  to  leave  Kashmir, 
where  the  emperor  had  gone.  The  emperor 
himself  fell  ill,  with  a return  of  his  old  dis- 
ease, the  asthma.  He  refused  wine,  and 


Nur-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hindustan  267 

rapidly  grew  worse,  and  died  October  28, 

1627,  at  the  age  of  fifty-nine  years. 

Shah  Jahan  was  his  designated  successor, 
but  Nur-Mahal  clung  to  the  vain  idea  of 
retaining  the  reins  of  government  which  she 
had  held  so  long,  and  intrigued  to  cause 
Sultan  Shahriyar  to  rebel.  The  sons  of 
Shah  Jahan  were  still  in  the  female  apart- 
ments with  Nur-Mahal,  but  they  “were  not 
safe  with  her,”  and  they  were  accordingly 
removed  from  her  charge.  By  February, 

1628,  all  obstacles  had  been  removed,  and  on 
the  6th  of  that  month  Shah  Jahan  ascended 
the  throne  after  Shahriyar  had  been  captured 
and  blinded.* 

“ Thus  had  he  (through  a sea  of  blood) 
attained  the  highest  post  and  dignity  of  the 


*■  Shahriyar  was  the  most  beautiful  of  all  the  princes.  Once 
when  he  was  trouble'd  with  a severe  pain  in  his  eyes,  he  was  cured 
by  Mukawab  Khan.  The  emperor  heard  of  his  cure  and  cynically 
remarked,  that  no  doubt  his  eyes  would  remain  entirely  well  until 
they  were  put  out  by  his  brothers — as  indeed  came  to  pass.  To 
insure  a safe  title  to  the  throne,  Shah  Jahan  felt  obliged  to  do  away 
with  the  sons  of  his  brothers  Khosrou,  Parwiz,  Daniel,  and  Morad. 
All  these  were  executed  and  buried  at  Lahore,  and  their  heads  sent 
to  Shah  Jahan.  His  reign  was  rfct  troubled  by  rival  claimants  to 
the  throne. 


268 


The  Mogul  Empero7's 


Eastern  world,  surrounded  with  delights  and 
guarded  by  a power,  in  his  conceiving,  unre- 
sistable.”  When  Herbert  wrote  this  (in 
1638)  the  favorite  Mumtaz-i-Mahal  had  been 
dead  eight  years,  and  it  was  rumored  he  had 
taken  her  daughter  to  wife,  “ incest  of  so 
high  nature  that  that  yeare  his  whole  empire 
was  wounded  with  God’s  arrowes  of  plague, 
pestilence,  and  famine,  this  thousand  yeares 
before  never  so  terrible.” 

Nur-Mahal’s  influence  was  now  completely 
gone,  and  her  name  is  not  again  heard  of  till 
her  death  in  1645.*  She  was  treated  with 
respect,  and  received  a handsome  income — 
ninety-four  thousand  dollars  (two  lacs)  a year 
as  empress-dowager.  She  wore  no  color  but 
white  after  the  emperor’s  death,  abstained 
from  all  entertainments,  and  appeared  to 


* At  the  age  of  sixty  years.  Professor  Blochmann  (p.  510)  says 
she  died  at  I.ahore  in  a.h.  1055  at  the  age  of  seventy-two.  Keene 
{Agra  Guide)  has  the  same  remark.  I believe  the  date  of  her  birth 
to  have  been  A.D.  1585.  Akbar  was  in  the  Penjab  directing  the 
campaigns  against  Kashmir  and  the  Afghans  during  1586  and 
1587.  It  was  at  this  time,  I think,  that  the  father  of  Nur-Mahal 
was  presented  to  the  emperor  in  the  city  of  Fathpur.  {Native 
Historians,  vol.  vi.,  p.  404.) 


Nur-Mahal,  Empress  of  Hindustan  269 

devote  her  life  entirely  to  the  memory  of  her 
husband.  She  is  buried  in  a tomb  at  Lahore, 
near  Jahangir. 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  compare  the 
career  and  talents  of  an  Asiatic  and  a West- 
ern ruler.  The  circumstances  are  utterly 
unlike,  and  our  familiar  standards  fail.  Bad, 
weak,  and  cruel  as  Jahangir  was,  he  does  not 
seem  more  despicable  than  James  I.  of  Eng- 
land, for  example,  who  was  his  contem- 
porary. His  empress  was  unsuccessful  in 
her  plans,  where  no  skill  or  wisdom  would 
have  prevailed,  while  Elizabeth  of  England 
succeeded  in  her  policy.  If  we  think  of  the 
contemporaries  of  the  Indian  empress,  we 
shall  not  find  her  equal.  We  are  forced  to 
go  back  to  the  great  Elizabeth  for  a term  of 
comparison  even.  While  she  lived,  Nur- 
Mahal  was  the  greatest  personage  in  all 
Asia,  if  not  in  the  whole  world. 


270 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


CHAPTER  VII 

SHAH  JAHAN  AND  AURANGZEB,  EMPERORS  OF 
HINDUSTAN  (a.D.  1628-1658  AND  A.D. 

1658-1707) 

The  reigns  of  these  two  princes  are 
recounted  in  a famous  work  by  Monsieur 
Bernier,  a man  no  less  intelligent  than  Sir 
Thomas  Roe.  A preface  to  his  volume 
gives  some  small  account  of  him.  “ Mon- 
sieur Bernier,  after  he  had  benefited  himself 
for  many  years  by  the  converse  of  the  famous 
Gassendi,  and  had  seen  him  expire  in  his 
arms,  succeeded  him  in  his  knowledge,  and 
inherited  his  opinions  and  discoveries,  (then) 
embarked  for  Egypt,  stayed  above  a whole 
year  at  Cairo,  and  took  the  occasion  of  some 
Indian  vessels  to  pass  to  Surat,  and  abode 
twelve  years  at  the  court  of  the  Great 
Mogul.  His  prudent  conduct  made  him 
merit  the  esteem  of  his  generous  master, 
Fazel-Khan,  who  since  is  become  the  first 


» i * 


SHAH  JAHAN 


Shah  Jahan  and  Atirangzeb  271 

minister  of  that  great  empire,  to  whom  he 
taught  the  principal  languages  of  Europe, 
after  he  had  translated  for  him  the  whole 
philosophy  of  Gassendi  from  the  Latin,  and 
whose  leave  he  could  not  obtain  to  go  home 
till  he  had  got  for  him  a select  number  of 
our  best  European  books,  thereby  to  sup- 
ply the  loss  he  should  suffer  of  his  person. 
Never  a traveller  went  from  home  more 
capable  to  observe,  nor  hath  written  with 
more  knowledge,  candor,  and  integrity.” 
And  after  this  preface  the  history  of 
Bernier  begins  by  reciting  his  arrival  at 
Surat  in  the  year  1655.  “ I found  that  he 

who  reigned  there  was  called  Shah  Jahan, 
that  is  to  say,  king  of  the  world.  He  was 
the  tenth  of  those  who  were  descended  from 
Tamerlane,  which  signifieth  the  lame  prince, 
who  married  his  near  kinswoman,  the  only 
daughter  of  the  prince  of  the  nations  of 
Great  Tartary,  called  Moguls,  who  have 
(thus)  communicated  their  name  to  the 
strangers  that  now  govern  Hindustan,  the 
country  of  the  Indians,  though  those  that 
are  employed  in  public  charges  and  offices, 


272  The  Alogul  Emperors 

and  even  those  that  aredisted  in  the  militia, 
be  (from)  nations  gathered  out  of  all  coun- 
tries, most  of  them  Persians,  some  Arabians, 
and  some  Turks.” 

“ I found  also  at  my  arrival  that  this  Shah 
Jahan,  of  above  seventy  years  of  age,  had 
four  sons  and  two  daughters ; that  some 
years  since  he  had  made  these  four  sons 
vice-kings,  or  governors  of  provinces  ; that 
it  was  almost  a year  that  he  was  fallen  into 
a great  sickness,  whence  it  was  believed  he 
would  never  recover ; which  had  occasioned 
a great  division  among  these  four  brothers 
(all  laying  claim  to  the  empire),  and  had 
kindled  among  them  a war  which  lasted 
about  five  years,  and  which  I design  here  to 
describe.” 

We  cannot  follow  the  very  intelligent  nar- 
rative of  Bernier  of  the  rise  of  Aurangzeb, 
one  of  the  four  sons,  to  power.  This  is 
compactly  set  forth  in  the  original  work, 
which  is  a large  book  of.  itself.  The  intrigue 
is  so  close  and  constant  that  the  narrative 
can  scarcely  bear  condensation.  It  is  more 
to  my  purpose  to  give  in  Bernier’s  own  words 


Shah  Jahan  and  Aiirangzeb  273 

some  of  the  incidents  of  which  he  had  per- 
sonal knowledge.  He  was  at  this  court  in 
the  quality  of  a physician  under  salary  from 
one  of  the  great  lords  who  was,  he  says,  “ the 
most  knowing  man  in  Asia.” 

It  will  be  necessary  to  name  the  children 
of  the  king : “ The  eldest  of  these  four  sons 
was  called  Dara,  that  is,  Darius ; the  second 
was  called  Sultan-Sujah,  that  is,  the  valiant 
prince  ; the  name  of  the  third  was  Aurang- 
zeb,  which  signifies  the  ornament  of  the 
throne ; that  of  the  fourth  was  Morad- 
Bakche,  as  if  you  should  say,  desire  accom- 
plished. The  eldest  daughter  was  called 
Begum-Saheb,  that  is,  the  mistress  princess; 
and  the  youngest,  Rauchenara-Begum,  which 
is  as  much  as  bright  princess,  or  the  splendor 
of  princesses.” 

Here  is  Bernier’s  penetrating  estimate  of 
the  character  of  the  members  of  this  nest  of 
tyrants  : “ Dara,  the  eldest  son,  wanted  not 
in  good  qualities.  He  was  gallant,  witty, 
exceeding  civil  and  liberal,  but  entertained 
so  good  an  opinion  of  his  person  that  he  was 
intolerant  of  all  counsel,  so  that  even  those 

18 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


274 

most  affectionate  to  him  were  shy  of  dis- 
covering secret  intrigues  to  him.  He  was 
extremely  passionate  in  anger  and  affronted 
even  the  greatest  nobles.  Though  he  was  a 
Muhammadan  in  public,  he  was,  probably, 
a mere  heathen  in  private,  and  it  is  certain 
that  he  encouraged  both  Hindus  and  Jesuits. 
This  laxness  in  religion  was  afterwards 
turned  much  against  his  advantage  in  the 
struggles  for  the  throne.”  * 

“ Sultan-Sujah,  the  second  son,  was  much 
of  the  humor  of  Dara,  but  he  was  more  close 
and  more  settled,  and  had  better  conduct  and 
dexterity.” 

“ Aurangzeb,  the  third  brother,  had  not 
that  gallantry  nor  surprising  presence  of 
Dara  ; he  appeared  more  serious  and  melan- 
choly, and,  indeed,  was  much  more  judicious, 
understanding  the  world  very  well.  He  was 
reserved,  crafty,  and  exceedingly  versed  in 
dissembling ; inasmuch  that  for  a long  while 

* Dara’s  adherents  were  chiefly  Hindus,  and  the  prince  trans- 
lated the  Upanishads  from  Sanscrit  into  Persian.  Professor  Max 
Muller  makes  the  curious  remark  that  Dara’s  Persian  version  was 
the  basis  of  the  Latin  translation  upon  which  Schopenhauer 
declares  that  his  system  is  founded. 


Shah  Jahan  and  Aurangzeb  275 

he  made  profession  to  be  (a)  fakir,  renounc- 
ing the  world,  and  feigning  not  to  pretend  at 
all  to  the  crown,  but  to  desire  to  pass  his  life 
in  prayer  and  other  devotions.  In  the  mean- 
time he  failed  not  to  make  a party  at  court 
with  dexterity,  art,  and  secrecy.  He  also 
had  the  skill  to  maintain  himself  in  the  affec- 
tion of  Shah  Jahan,  his  father.” 

“ Morad-Bakche,  the  youngest  of  all,  was 
the  least  dextrous  and  the  least  judicious. 
He  cared  for  nothing  but  mirth  and  pastime, 
to  drink,  hunt  and  shoot ; he  was  very  civil 
and  liberal,  despised  cabals,  and  bragged 
openly  that  he  trusted  only  in  his  arm  and 
sword.” 

“ Concerning  the  two  daughters,  the  eld- 
est, Begum-Saheb,  was  very  beautiful  and  a 
great  wit,  passionately  beloved  of  her  father. 
It  was  even  rumored  that  he  loved  her  to 
that  degree  as  is  hardly  to  be  imagined.  He 
had  given  her  charge  to  watch  over  his  safety 
and  to  have  an  eye  to  all  that  came  to  his 
table,  and  she  knew  perfectly  to  manage  his 
humor,  and  to  bend  him  as  she  pleased. 
She  stuck  entirely  to  Dara,  and  espoused 


2/6  The  Mogul  Emperors 

cordially  his  part,  because  he  had  promised 
her  that  so  soon  as  he  should  come  to  the 
crown  he  would  (find  a husband  for  her)  ; 
which  is  almost  never  practiced  in  Indostan” 
(as  the  royal  princesses  were  so  far  in  rank 
above  any  subjects). 

Bernier  relates  one  of  the  adventures  of 
this  princess,  as  “ they  are  not  amours  like 
ours,  but  attended  with  events  dreadful  and 
tragical,”  It  appears  that  she  received  one 
of  her  lovers  into  her  apartments,  and  that, 
as  Shah  Jahan  was  about  to  enter,  she  had 
nowhere  to  conceal  him  except  in  one  of  the 
large  hot-water  caldrons  made  to  bathe  in. 
The  emperor  feigned  to  see  nothing,  but 
after  a long  visit  sternly  commanded  a fire 
to  be  built  beneath  the  bath,  and  did  not 
leave  till  the  man  was  dead. 

“ Her  sister,  Rauchenara-Begum,  never 
passed  for  so  handsome  and  witty  as  Begum- 
Saheb,  but  she  was  not  less  cheerful,  and 
comely  enough,  and  hated  pleasures  no  more 
than  her  sister ; but  she  addicted  herself 
wholly  to  Aurangzeb,  and  consequently  de- 
clared herself  an  enemy  to  Begum-Saheb  and 


^Shah  Jahan  and  Aurangzcb  277 

to  Dara.”  Mumtaz-i-Mahal,  their  mother, 
had  been  dead  for  some  years,  and  was  buried 
in  her  glorious  tomb,  the  Taj-Mahal.  She 
died  in  giving  birth  to  the  younger  sister. 

“So  Shah  Jahan,  finding  himself  charged 
with  these  four  princes,  all  come  of  age,  all 
pretending  to  the  crown,  enemies  to  one 
another,  and  each  of  them  secretly  forming 
a party,  was  perplexed  enough  as  to  what 
was  fittest  for  him  to  do,”  They  were  too 
powerful  to  be  imprisoned,  and  he  was  con- 
strained to  set  them  over  distant  parts  of  the 
empire,  though  this  course  gave  each  of  them 
power  and  an  army  of  his  own. 

A trifling  incident  placed  Aurangzeb  in 
alliance  with  Emir-Jemla,  wazir  of  Golconda. 
These  two  great  men  were  not  long  together 
till  they  framed  large  designs.  And,  first  of 
all,  the  emperor  was  presented  with  “ that 
great  diamond  which  is  esteemed  matchless.* 
Presents  and  intrigue  put  the  two  friends 
into  the  possession  of  new  powers,  and  gave 
them  new  armies ; and  every  gain  to  them 
seemed  a loss  to  Dara,  who  was  with  his 


* This  was  the  Kohimtr. 


2/8 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


father  at  court.  In  the  midst  of  these  events 
Shah  Jahan  fell  sick,  and  it  was  thought  he 
must  die. 

Mighty  armies  were  raised  by  Dara  at 
Agra  and  Delhi  ; by  Sultan-Sujah  in  Ben- 
gal ; by  Aurangzeb  in  the  Deccan  ; by 
Morad-Bakche  in  Guzarat.  Aurangzeb  ca- 
joled the  latter  into  joining  forces  with  him, 
and  the  two  set  out  for  Agra  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  kingdom  should  their  father  be 
dead  ; “ to  kiss  his  feet  should  he  be  alive, 
and  to  deliver  him  from  the  hands  of  Dara.” 
In  a letter  to  Morad,  Aurangzeb  says,  “ I 
need  not  remind  you,  my  brother,  how  re- 
pugnant to  my  real  disposition  are  the  toils 
of  cTovernment.  While  Dara  and  Sultan- 

o 

Sujah  are  tormented  with  a thirst  for  do- 
minion, I sigh  only  for  the  life  of  a fakirT 

“What,  then,  should  Shah  Jahan,  this  un- 
fortunate king,  do,  who  seeth  that  his  sons 
have  no  regard  to  his  orders  ; who  is  informed 
at  all  hours  that  they  march  apace  towards 
Agra  at  the  head  of  their  armies,  and  Avho  at 
this  conjuncture  finds  himself  sick,  to  boot, 
in  the  hands  of  Dara,  that  is,  of  a man  who 


Shah  Jahan  and  Auratigzeb  279 

breatheth  nothing  but  war ; who  prepareth  for 
it  with  all  the  marks  of  an  enraged  resent- 
ment against  his  brothers?  But  what  could 
he  do  in  this  extremity?  He  is  constrained 
to  abandon  to  them  his  treasures.  He  is 
forced  to  send  for  his  old  and  most  trusty 
captains,  whom  he  knows  for  the  most  part 
to  be  not  very  affectionate  to  Dara  ; he  must 
command  them  to  fight  for  Dara  against  his 
own  blood,  his  own  children,  and  those  for 
whom  he  had  more  esteem  than  for  Dara ; 
he  is  obliged  forthwith  to  send  armies  against 
them  all.” 

The  first  battle  was  a decided  victory  for 
Aurangzeb  and  Morad-Bakche,  and  they 
were  not  far  from  Agra.*  Immediately 
all  were  in  arms.  An  army  of  one  hun- 
dred thousand  horse,  twenty  thousand  foot, 
and  four  thousand  cannon  was  levied  for 
the  cause  of  Dara,  who  forced  a great  battle 
in  which  he  was  hopelessly  defeated  and 


* In  this  battle  the  hoiudah  of  Prince  Murad’s  elephant  “was 
stuck  thick  with  arrows  as  a porcupine  with  quills.”  It  was  long 
preserved  as  a curiosity,  “ also  as  a memorial  of  the  bravery  of  a 
descendant  of  Timur.” 


28o  The  Mogul  Emperors 

obliged  to  fly  in  desperate  case,  while  his 
victorious  brothers  came  to  the  gates  of 
Agra,  where  presently  the  emperor’s  guards 
were  overpowered  and  he  was  subject  to  their 
will.  “ If  ever  man  was  astonished,  Shah 
Jahan  was,  seeing  that  he  was  fallen  into 
the  snare  which  he  had  prepared  for 
others,  that  himself  was  imprisoned,  and 
Auranezeb  master  of  the  fortress.” 

In  a short  time  Morad-Bakche  was  im- 
prisoned by  his  wily  brother,  and  soon 
done  to  death  by  violence.  Sultan-Sujah 
was  defeated  in  a pitched  battle  as  Dara 
had  been,  and  was  again.  All  things  fell 
out  contrary  to  both  these  vanquished  and 
unfortunate  men.  By  a strange  accident 
Bernier  met  Dara  after  his  worst  defeat, 
and  saw  him  march  away  with  an  escort  of 
no  more  than  five  hundred  cavalry,  he  who 
had  led  hundreds  of  thousands.  A few  days 
later  he  again  saw  him  in  chains,  a prisoner, 
borne  on  an  elephant  through  the  streets  of 
Delhi. 

“This  was  none  of  those  brave  elephants 
of  Ceylon  or  Pegu,  that  he  was  wont  to 


Shah  Jaha7i  and  Am'angzeb  281 

ride  on,  with  gilt  harness  and  embroidered 
covers ; it  was  an  old  caitiff  animal,  very 
dirty  and  nasty,  with  an  old  torn  cover 
and  a pitiful  seat  all  open  to  the  sun. 
There  was  no  more  seen  about  him  that 
necklace  of  big  pearls  which  those  princes 
are  wont  to  wear.  All  his  dress  was  a 
vest  of  coarse  linen,  all  dirty,  with  a tur- 
ban of  the  same,  and  a wretched  scarf  over 
his  head  like  a varlet.” 

By  the  vehement  advice  of  his  youngest 
sister,  Rauchenara-Begum,  he  was  put  to 
death,  and  his  bloody  head  was  brought 
to  Aurangzeb,  that  he  might  see;  “which, 
when  brought,  he  wiped  it  with  a handker- 
chief, and  after  he  was  satisfied  it  was  the 
very  head  of  Dara,  he  fell  a-weeping,  say- 
ing, ‘Ah,  unfortunate  man!  Take  it  away 
and  bury  it.  ’ ” 

The  family  of  Dara  was  disposed  of  either 
by  death  or  by  imprisonment.  Sultan-Sujah 
fled  to  the  sea-shore  by  the  Ganges’  mouth, 
and  after  incredible  sufferings  perished  in 
his  flight.  Shah  Jahan  was  confined  in  a vir- 
tual prison  until  his  death.  The  walls  of  his 


282  The  Mogul  Emperors 

apartments  were  covered  with  gilding,  but 
the  monarch  ordered  them  to  be  smeared 
over  with  rough  mortar  as  more  suited  to 
his  humbled  condition ; and  in  his  last 
days  he  grew  very  devout. 

“ And  thus  endeth  this  war,  which  the 
lust  of  reigning  had  kindled  among  those 
four  brothers,  after  it  had  lasted  five  or 
six  years,  from  1655  to  1660  or  1661,  which 
left  Aurangzeb  in  the  peaceable  possession 
of  this  puissant  empire.” 

“To  conclude,  I doubt  not  that  most 
of  those  who  shall  have  read  my  history, 
will  judge  the  ways  taken  by  Aurangzeb 
for  getting  the  empire  very  violent  and 
horrid. 

“ I pretend  not  to  plead  for  him,  but 
desire  only  that  before  he  be  altogether 
condemned,  reflection  be  made  on  the 
unhappy  custom  of  this  state,  which,  leav- 
ing the  possession  of  the  crown  undecided, 
exposeth  it  to  the  conquest  of  the  strong- 
est. I am  persuaded  that  those  who  shall 
a little  weigh  this  whole  history,  v.dll  not 
take  Aurangzeb  for  a barbarian,  but  for  a 


Shah  Jahan  a7id  Azirangzeb  283 

great  and  rare  genius,  a great  statesman, 
and  a g-reat  king.  ” 

At  the  beginning  of  his  reign  Aurangzeb 
received  with  admirable  wisdom  his  former 
tutor  who  had  come  to  court  expecting  great 
advancement.  The  interview  is  reported  by 
Bernier  directly  from  the  recital  of  one  who 
was  present. 

“ ‘ What  is  it  that  you  would  have  of  me  ? 
Can  you  reasonably  desire  that  I should 
make  you  one  of  the  chief  noblemen  of  my 
court  ? Let  me  tell  you,  if  you  had 
instructed  me  as  you  should  have  done, 
nothing  would  have  been  more  just.  But 
where  are  those  good  documents  you  should 
have  given  me  ? In  the  first  place  you  have 
taught  me  that  all  Europe  was  nothing  but 
I know  not  what  little  island,  of  which  the 
greatest  king  was  he  of  Portugal,  and  next 
he  of  Holland,  and  after  him,  he  of  England  ; 
and  as  to  the  other  kings,  you  have  repre- 
sented them  to  me  as  our  petty  rajahs, 
telling  me  that  they  tremble  at  the  names 
of  the  kings  of  Indostan.  Admirable  geog- 
raphy ! You  should  rather  have  taught  me 


284 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


exactly  to  distinguish  all  those  different 
states  of  the  world  and  to  w’ell  understand 
their  strength,  their  way  of  fighting,  their 
customs,  religions,  governments,  and  inter- 
ests. I have  scarce  learned  of  you  the 
names  of  my  grandsires,  the  famous  found- 
ers of  this  empire.  You  had  a mind  to 
teach  me  the  Arabian  toncrue.  I am  much 

o 

obliged  to  you,  forsooth,  for  having  made 
me  lose  so  much  time  upon  a language,  as 
if  the  son  of  a king  should  think  it  to  be 
an  honor  to  him  to  be  a grammarian  ; he 
to  whom  time  is  so  precious  for  so  many 
weighty  things,  which  he  ought  betimes  to 
learn.  . . . Ought  you  not  to  have 

instructed  me  on  one  point,  at  least,  so  essen- 
tial to  be  known  by  a king,  namely,  on  the 
reciprocal  duties  between  the  sovereign  and 
his  subjects  ? Did  you  ever  instruct  me  in 
the  art  of  war,  how  to  besiege  a town,  or 
draw  up  an  army  in  battle  array  ? Happy  for 
me  that  I consulted  wiser  heads  than  thine 
on  these  subjects  ! Go  ! withdraw  to  thy  vil- 
lage. Henceforth  let  no  person  know  either 
who  thou  art,  or  what  is  become  of  thee.’ 


Shah  Jaha7i  and  Aurangzeb  285 


“ And  thus  did  Aurangzeb  resent  the  pe- 
dantic instructions  of  his  tutor.”* 

Bernier’s  narrative  has  great  merit,  and  it 
has  been  given  consecutively  without  inter- 
ruption from  other  authorities,  for  several 
reasons.  In  the  first  place,  it  is  a recital 
which  we  can  understand,  since  it  is  written 
by  one  of  ourselves — an  Occidental.  He 
was  especially  qualified  as  an  observer,  for 
he  was  the  friend  and  pupil  of  the  learned 
Gassendi,  and  fully  acquainted  with  classic 
and  Western  knowledge.  He  was  the  phy- 
sician and  friend  of  the  most  learned  man  of 
the  court  of  the  Great  Mogul,  and  had  special 
opportunities  for  knowing  the  events  of  the 
time.  In  one  instance,  at  least,  he  is  able  to 

* I am  tempted  to  add  in  a foot-note  the  instructions  given  by 
the  great  Caliph  Haroun-al-Raschid  to  his  mentor  Al-Asma’i. 

“ Never  undertake  to  teach  me  in  public,  and  do  not  be  too 
anxious  to  give  me  advice  in  private.  Make  it  your  custom  to  wait 
till  I ask  you,  and  when  I do  so,  give  me  a precise  answer  void  of 
all  superfluity.  When  you  see  that  I am  departing  from  the  way 
of  equity  in  my  decisions,  lead  me  back  again  with  gentleness,  and 
without  harsh  words  or  reprimands.  Instruct  me  principally  in 
such  things  as  are  most  requisite  for  my  public  speeches,  and  never 
employ  obscure  or  mysterious  terms  or  recondite  words.” 

There  spoke  a tyrant  who  understood  human  nature  in  general, 
and  his  own  nature  in  particular. 


286 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


report  a conversation  which  the  emperor 
had  in  private,  from  the  direct  report  of  his 
master  who  was  present.  At  least  one  of 
the  emperor’s  letters  which  he  quotes,  he 
actually  saw  in  the  original. 

His  work  was  written  after  his  return  to 
Europe,  when  he  had  no  reason  to  tell  any- 
thing but  the  exact  truth.  He  had  nothing 
to  fear  from  the  displeasure,  and  nothing  to 
hope  from  the  favor,  of  the  court.  This 
cannot  be  said  for  the  native  historians  of 
India.  They  wrote  for  the  eye  and  ear  of 
the  monarch,  and  their  narratives  usually 
represent  the  official  view  of  past  events. 
In  certain  cases  the  native  author  has  not 
published  his  history  during  his  lifetime,  but 
kept  it  secret,  and  has  spoken  freely.  His 
family,  in  this  case,  suffered  in  his  stead  for 
the  posthumous  publication.* 

On  the  other  hand,  the  native  historians 
had  the  great  advantage  of  first-hand  knowl- 
edge such  as  a foreigner  could  but  rarely 
possess. 

The  extracts  which  follow  have  been 


* This  was  notably  the  case  of  Bedauni.  (See  Chapter  IV.) 


Shah  Jahan  and  Aurangzcb  287 

chosen  from  Sir  Henry  Elliott’s  invaluable 
collection,  for  the  purpose  of  illustrating  the 
characters  of  the  rulers  and  of  their  times. 
Little  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  his- 
torical sequence  of  events.  Knowledge  of 
this  sort  must  be  sought  for  in  professed 
histories,  like  those  of  Elphinstone  and  Hun- 
ter, Mill  and  Elliott. 

Shah  Jahan. 

A glimpse  of  Shah  Jahan  when  he  was  but 
crown-prince  is  given  in  the  narrative  of  Sir 
Thomas  Roe,  who  says  ; “ I never  saw  so 
settled  a countenance,  nor  any  man  keep  so 
constant  a gravity,  never  smiling,  nor  in  face 
showing  any  respect  or  difference  of  men, 
but  mingled  with  extreme  pride  and  con- 
tempt of  all.”  He  was  then  but  twenty-five 
years  old,  cold,  haughty,  silent,  a competent 
soldier,  an  able  administrator.  “He  was  flat- 
tered by  some,  envied  by  others,  loved  by 
none.”  The  inevitable  struggles  for  the  suc- 
cession to  the  throne  of  his  father,  Jahangir, 
brought  him  into  sharp  conflict  with  his 


288  The  Mogul  Emperors 

brothers,  his  father,  and  the  Empress  Nur- 
Mahal 

The  professional  historian  is  condemned 
to  the  dreary  task  of  following  their  wars 
and  conquests  if  he  wishes  to  understand  the 
course  of  political  events.  But  these  events 
throw  little  light  on  the  character  of  the 
personages.  Everywhere  we  find  the  Hindu 
husbandman  living  in  his  village  and  flying 
at  the  approach  of  all  comers.  If  they  are 
on  a peaceful  mission,  he  must  furnish  pro- 
vision for  their  beasts;  if  they  are  bent  on 
war,  his  fields  are  ravaged.  Above  the 
husbandman  we  have  the  soldier,  the  petty 
chief,  the  over-lord,  the  great  noble,  the 
kinor — all  of  them  warriors,  and  all  “ cravingr 
for  action.”  Their  expeditions  were  all  alike, 
and  the  history  could  be  prepared  before- 
hand on  one  of  two  models — either  the  war 
was  successful  or  not  so.  The  same  strata- 
gems appear  and  reappear.  On  the  death 
of  a king,  his  sons  strive  for  the  succession. 
The  army  of  each  pretender,  at  first  small,  is 
reenforced  by  those  who  have  much  to  gain  or 
little  to  lose.  The  unsuccessful  princes  fly 


THE  TAJ  MAHAL  AT  AGRA 


Shah  Jahan  and  Aurangzeb  289 

to  Persia,  go  on  the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca,  are 
imprisoned  for  life,  are  blinded  with  hot  irons, 
according  to  the  degree  of  the  discomfiture 
or  the  mildness  of  the  king’s  temper.  The 
recital  of  the  details  of  these  events  is 
monotonous  a dormir  debout;  unless,  indeed, 
from  time  to  time  we  can  catch  some  glimpse 
of  the  real  personality  of  the  ruler,  and  hear 
his  very  accents  or  read  his  very  writings. 

The  reign  of  Shah  Jahan  is  even  less 
eventful  than  that  of  Jahangir  in  these 
respects.  It  was  peaceful  because  he  left 
none  of  his  rivals  alive.  It  is  memorable 
through  the  surpassing  loveliness  of  the 
public  buildings  which  he  caused  to  be 
erected. 

The  Taj-Mahal,  “a  dream  in  marble, 
designed  by  Titans  and  finished  by  jewel- 
lers;”* the  Pearl  Mosque  of  Agra,  “the 


* Bernier  says  of  the  Taj  that  it  was  raised  in  honor  of  Taj- 
Bibi,  Mumtaz-i-Mahal,  “ his  wife,  that  extraordinary  and  celebrated 
beauty  of  the  Indies,  whom  he  loved  so  passionately  that  it  is  said 
he  never  enjoyed  any  other  woman  while  she  lived,  and  that  when 
she  died  he  was  in  danger  to  die  himself.”  The  Taj  has  been 
described  a thousand  times,  but  never  with  more  delicate  insight 
than  by  M.  Andre  Chevrillon  in  the  Revue  des  Deux  Alondes, 


290 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


purest  and  loveliest  house  of  prayer  in  the 
world  ; ” the  great  mosque  of  Delhi ; the 
palace  of  the  same  royal  city — these  noble 
and  exquisite  constructions  will  make  his 
reign  famous  forever.  The  early  period  of 
cruelty  to  his  enemies  and  extermination  of 
the  rival  claimants  to  the  throne  was  suc- 
ceeded by  an  era  of  peace,  prosperity,  and 
magnificence  by  which  alone  he  is  now 
remembered. 

The  public  buildings  absorbed  enormous 
sums.  The  famous  “peacock  throne”  was 
alone  valued  at  above  sixty  million  dollars. *  * 
One  of  its  rubies  was  “ upwards  of  three 
fingers’  breadths  wide  {sis')  by  two  in  length.” 
This  was,  perhaps,  the  famous  stone,  “the 
tribute  of  the  world,”  given  by  Shah  Abbas 
of  Persia  to  Jahangir.  The  royal  treasuries 
overflowed  with  jewels  and  gold  and  silver. 


vol.  civ,  page  gi  (1S91).  Mumtaz-i-Mahal  has  no  public  history. 
While  she  lived  the  king  was  held  captive  in  the  tresses  of  her 
hair  ; she  bore  him  many  sons  and  daughters  ; at  her  death  he  was 
like  to  die  ; in  her  memory  he  raised  the  chief  building  of  the  round 
world  ; this  is  all  her  history,  and  it  is  enough. 

* According  to  Tavernier,  a French  jeweller,  who  travelled  in 
India. 


Shah  Jahan  and  Aui  angzeb  291 

“In  the  course  of  years  many  valuable 
gems  had  come  into  the  imperial  jewel- 
house,  each  one  of  which  might  serve  as 
an  eardrop  for  Venus.”  These  were  given 
to  the  chief  goldsmith  to  make  the  fa- 
mous throne.  Its  canopy  was  literally 
covered  with  gems  and  was  supported  by 
twelve  columns  set  with  pearls.  On  the 
top  of  the  canopy  was  a peacock  with  ex- 
tended tail  thick  set  with  gems.  The 
three  steps  were  incrusted  with  precious 
stones.  This  throne  remained  the  wonder 
of  India  until  it  was  carried  away  by  Nadir- 
Shah,  in  1739.  It  is  still  to  be  seen  in 
Teheran,  but  its  chief  jewels  have  been 
displaced  and  dispersed.  It  is  even  now  - 
valued  at  thirteen  million  dollars.* 

Tavernier  the  jeweller  has  his  word  to  say 
of  the  Taj-Mahal.  “Of  all  the  tombs  which 
one  sees  at  Agra,  that  of  the  wife  of  Shah 
Jahan  is  the  most  splendid.  It  is  at  the  east 


* There  were  six  other  thrones,  Tavernier  says,  and  the  native 
historians  describe  one  which  was  also  ornamented  with  peacocks, 
arranged  two  and  two.  See  a paper  by  Dr.  Ball,  on  the  engraved 
gems  of  the  Moguls,  in  Proc.  R.  Irish  Acad.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  380. 


292  The  Mogul  Emperors 

end  of  the  town,  by  the  side  of  the  river,  in 
a great  square  surrounded  by  walls.  This 
square  is  a kind  of  garden  divided  into  com- 
partments like  our  parterres,  but  in  the 
places  where  we  put  gravel  there  is  white 
and  black  marble.  ...  I witnessed  the 
commencement  and  accomplishment  of  this 
great  work,  on  which  they  have  expended 
twenty-two  years,  during  which  twenty 
thousand  men  worked  incessantly.  . . . 

Shah  Jahan  began  to  build  his  own  tomb  on 
the  other  side  of  the  river,  but  the  war  which 
he  had  with  his  sons  interrupted  his  plan, 
and  Aurangzeb,  who  reigns  at  present,  is  not 
disposed  to  complete  it.”  Tavernier  has 
also  left  an  expert’s  opinion  on  the  crown- 
jewels,  which  he  was  permitted  to  examine 
at  leisure.  The  curious  in  such  matters 
should  consult  his  Travels  m India,  edited 
by  V.  Ball. 

Shah  Jahan’s  entertainments  were  on  a 
magnificent  scale.  The  festival  given  on 
his  accession,  together  with  the  presents  to 
his  officers,  cost  eight  million  dollars.  His 
gifts  to  the  two  sacred  cities  were  on  a 


Shah  Jahan  and  Aura^tgzeb  293 

corresponding  scale.  “ Among  the  events 
of  this  year  was  the  despatch  of  a candle- 
stick studded  with  orems  to  the  revered 

o 

tomb  of  the  Prophet  (in  Medina),  on  whom 
be  the  greatest  favors  and  blessings.”  The 
candlestick  was  of  amber,  and  weighed 
about  eighteen  pounds,  and  it  was  literally 
covered  with  gems,  including  a monster 
diamond  from  Golconda,  which  alone  was 
valued  at  over  seventy-five  thousand  dol- 
lars. “ One  of  the  subject  provinces  was 
taxed  to  provide  magnificent  gifts  besides, 
and  a special  embassy  was  sent  to  the 
holy  cities  under  the  charge  of  a descend- 
ant of  the  Prophet  (on  whom  be  the 
peace).”  All  these  and  other  splendors 
were  dispersed  when  the  sacred  cities  were 
despoiled  by  the  Wahabees. 

This  lavish  expenditure  was  the  mark  of 
a peaceful  and  prosperous  reign.  The  king 
was  not  oppressive,  and  in  his  later  years 
grew  to  be  kind ; the  revenue  was  plenty, 
and  the  surplus  was  devoted  to  immense 
government  works.  He  was  certainly  very 
popular  with  his  officers,  especially  in  the 


294  Mogul  Etnperoi's 

latter  part  of  his  reign.  It  is  to  be  noted 
that  most  of  the  anecdotes  of  Shah  Jahan 
which  have  come  down  to  us  represent  the 
king  as  always  worsted  in  an  exchange  of 
repartee. 

Rai  Bhara  Mai  says  that  in  Shah  Jahan’s 
happy  times  the  prosperity  of  the  land  was 
greatly  increased ; that  domains  which  in 
Akbar’s  reign  yielded  but  three  lacs,  now 
yielded  ten,  and  that  this  was  the  rule  with 
some  few  exceptions.  “ Notwithstanding  the 
great  area  of  the  country,  complaints  were 
so  few  that  only  one  day  in  the  week, 
Wednesday,  was  fixed  upon  for  the  admin- 
istration of  justice;  and  it  was  rarely  even 
then  that  twenty  plaintiffs  were  found.” 

The  subordinate  courts  in  the  country 
districts  seem  to  have  been  organized  with 
full  liberty  of  appeal,  so  that  finally  only 
cases  of  blood  feuds  and  concerning  reli- 
gious matters  came  directly  to  the  king. 

Aurangzeb. 

Bernier  has  given  strong  evidence  to  the 
great  qualities  of  Aurangzeb.  The  native 


Shah  Jahan  and  Aurangzeb  295 

writers,  each  in  his  own  way,  confirm  the 
judgment.  I have  extracted  a few  para- 
graphs from  the  very  complete  histories  of 
this  reign,  and  have  given  some  of  the 
emperor’s  own  letters  almost  in  full ; but  I 
refer  to  the  succeeding  chapter — “ The  Ruin 
of  Aurangzeb” — for  a masterly  picture  of  the 
whole  career  of  the  puritan  emperor,  from 
his  austere  youth  to  the  troubled  ending 
of  his  power.  ' 

The  Habits  and  Manners  of  the  Emperor 
A urangzeb. 

“ Be  it  known  to  the  readers  of  this  work 
that  this  humble  slave  of  the  Almighty  is 
going  to  describe  in  a correct  manner  the 
excellent  character,  the  worthy  habits,  and 
the  refined  morals  of  this  most  virtuous 
monarch,  according  as  he  has  witnessed 
them  with  his  own  eyes.” 

“ The  emperor,  a great  worshipper  of 
God  by  natural  propensity,  is  remarkable 
for  his  rigid  attachment  to  religion.”  He 
regularly  makes  the  appointed  ablutions, 
prayers,  fasts,  and  vigils.  Several  pages 


296  The  Mogul  Emperors 

are  devoted  to  a list  of  his  meritorious 
acts.  “ In  his  sacred  court  no  word  of 
backbiting'  or  falsehood  is  allowed  ; ” which 
must  have  been  a blessing  in  a country  of 
intrigue,  and  a glaring  novelty  in  courts, 

“ Under  the  dictates  of  anger  or  passion 
he  never  issues  orders  of  death.”  “ Islam  is 
everywhere  triumphant,  and  the  Hindu  tem- 
ples are  destroyed.”  “ All  the  mosques  in 
the  empire  are  repaired  at  the  public  ex- 
pense.” A digest  of  all  the  theological 
works  in  the  royal  library  was  ordered  to 
be  prepared,  so  that  any  inquirer  might 
satisfy  himself  on  the  points  of  orthodoxy. 
The  very  essence  of  the  long  reign  — its 
leit-motiv — was  the  return  from  the  worship 
of  strange  gods  to  Islam. 

“ The  emperor  himself  is  perfectly  ac- 
quainted with  the  commentaries,  traditions, 
and  law ; and  he  learned  the  Kuran  by 
heart  after  ascending  the  throne.  He  even 
made  two  copies  of  it  with  his  own  hand, 
which  he  sent  to  the  two  holy  cities.” 

“ So  long  as  nature  keeps  the  garden  of 
the  world  fresh,*  may  the  plant  of  the  pros- 


Shah  Jahan  and  Aurangzeb  297 

perity  of  this  preserver  of  the  garden  of 
dignity  and  honor  continue  fruitful.”  The 
four  daughters  of  Aurangzeb  were  all  pious. 
One  of  them  knew  the  Kuran  by  heart. 
Another  was  an  Arabic  and  Persian  scholar 
in  prose  and  poetry,  and  learned  in  the 
Muhammadan  law,  having  been  taught 
under  the  emperor’s  own  eyes. 

It  is  interesting  to  take  note  of  the  effect 
of  intermarriages  upon  the  purity  of  blood  of 
the  (so-called)  Mogul  emperors.  Babar  was 
the  sixth  in  direct  descent  from  Tamerlane, 
and  was  of  pure  Turki  stock  in  the  male 
line.  His  mother,  however,  was  a pure 
Mogul,  a descendant  of  Chengiz-Khan. 
Babar  was,  therefore,  partly  Turki  and 
partly  Mogul.  One  of  his  wives  was 
Maham-Begam,  a relation  of  Sultan  Husein 
Mirza  of  Herat  ; and  Humayun,  the  suc- 
cessor of  Babar,  was  her  son.  There  is 
every  reason  to  believe  that  Humayun’s 
mother  was  pure  Turki.  Her  father  was  a 
direct  descendant  of  Tamerlane. 

Humayun  made  a rash  marriage  of  incli- 
nation during  the  period  of  his  misfortunes 


2q8 


The  Mogtil  Emperors 


and  wanderings  (a.d.  1541).  At  his  brother, 
Prince  Hindal’s,  camp  he  married  the  young 
daughter  of  H in  dal’s  preceptor,  Sheikh  Ali 
Akbar  Jami  ; she  was  not  fourteen  years  of 
age,  and  far  below  the  emperor  in  rank,  al- 
though she  was  a descendant  of  the  Prophet, 
and  counted  at  least  one  saint  among  her 
ancestors.  Her  father’s  family  was  from 
Khorassan.  Her  name  was  Hamida.* 

Akbar  the  Great  was  the  son  of  Hamida ; 
and  his  son  Jahangir  was  born  of  Akbar’s 
marriage  with  the  daughter  of  a Hindu 
rajah,  Bihari  Mal.f  Shah  Jahan,  his  suc- 
cessor, was  the  son  of  Jahangir’s  first  wife, 
the  granddaughter  of  the  Rajah  Maldeo  of 
Jodhpur. 

Shah  Jahan’s  favorite  queen  and  the 
mother  of  all  his  sons  was  Mumtaz-i- Mahal, 
the  niece  of  Nur-Mahal  (Jahangir’s  queen), 
the  daughter  of  Asaf-Khan,  the  grand- 
daughter of  Mirza  Ghiyas  Beg,  a Persian. 
Aurangzeb,  the  emperor,  was  the  son  of 

* Her  title  was  Maryam  Makani — dwelling  with  the  Virgin 
Mary.  She  was  not  a Christian. 

f Her  title  was  the  !Maryam  uzzamani — Mary  of  the  age.  of  the 
period. 


Shah  Jaha7i  atid  Aurangzeb  299 

Munitaz-i-Mahal,  and  had,  therefore,  but 
little  Turki  blood  in  his  veins.  The  char- 
acters of  the  male  ancestors  are  well  known. 
Of  the  female  we  know  next  to  nothincj, 
excepting  always  the  famous  Empress  Nur- 
Mahal. 

In  a general  way  the  effect  of  the  Hindu 
strain  of  blood  is  not  difficult  to  trace  in 
the  characters  of  the  successive  monarchs  as 
we  follow  the  line  from  the  frank,  bold, 
generous  Babar,  through  the  humaner,  and 
though  not  less  adventurous,  Akbar,  to 
Jahangir,  the  indolent  and  self-indulgent 
king,  down  to  Shah  Jahan,  who  was,  in  his 
youth  at  least,  the  very  model  of  a magnifi- 
cent, cold,  and  aristocratic  Hindu. 

The  chief  characteristics  of  Aurangzeb’s 
reien  are  to  be  attributed  more  to  his 
bieoted  Muhammadanism  than  to  his  tern- 
perament.  When  we  consider  that  all  these 
kings  are  of  the  stock  of  Chengiz-Khan  and 
of  the  Amir  Timur,  the  gradual  thinning  of 
that  savage  blood  by  the  richer,  more 
luxurious  Hindu  and  Persian  streams  de- 
serves at  least  this  brief  digression. 


300 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


On  occasion,  Aurangzeb  could  be  as  cruel 
as  Timur  himself.  When  Sambha  and  Kab- 
kalas  were  taken  prisoners,  and  were  abusive 
to  him  while  in  chains  before  the  throne,  he 
ordered  their  tongues  to  be  cut  out,  “ that 
they  might  no  longer  speak  disrespectfully.” 
“ After  that  their  eyes  were  to  be  torn  out,” 
and  finally  they,  with  ten  others,  were  put  to 
death  with  a variety  of  tortures.  These 
were  Hindus,  “ infidels  ” (not  Muhamma- 
dans), however. 

Shah  Jahan  was  kept  closely  in  the  citadel 
at  the  end  of  his  reign,  and  Aurangzeb 
communicated  with  him  only  by  letters.  In 
one  of  them  he  states  his  position  with 
apparent  humility,  and,  recounting  his  vic- 
tories over  his  brothers,  hopes  “soon  to  be 
free  of  this  business.”  “ It  is  clear  to  your 
Majesty  that  Almighty  Allah  bestows  his 
trusts  upon  one  who  discharges  the  duty  of 
cherishing  his  subjects  and  protecting  the 
people.  It  is  manifest  and  clear  to  wise  men 
that  a wolf  is  not  fit  for  a shepherd,  and  that 
no  poor-spirited  man  can  perform  the  great 
duty  of  governing.  Sovereignty  signifies 


Shah  Jahan  and  Aurangzcb  301 

protection  of  the  people,  not  self-indulgence 
and  libertinism.”  Thus  proudly,  though  in 
outwardly  respectful  form,  he  justifies  his 
course  to  his  captive  father  and  king,  who 
had  been  a wolf  and  not  a shepherd. 

His  crafty  spirit  appears  in  one  of  his 
letters  to  Murad  Bakhsh,  where  he  says  : “ I 
have  not  the  slightest  liking  for,  or  wish  to 
take  any  part  in,  the  government  of  this 
deceitful  and  unstable  world ; my  only  desire 
is,  that  I may  make  the  pilgrimage  (to 
Mecca).  But  whatever  course  you  may  take 
against  our  brother  (Dara),  you  may  con- 
sider me  your  sincere  friend  and  ally.” 
When  Murad  was  a prisoner  in  Aurangzeb’s 
camp,  it  was  necessary  to  send  him  away 
secretly,  for  fear  of  a rescue.  Four  elephants 
were  prepared,  and  were  sent  under  escort  in 
four  different  directions.  On  one  of  these 
the  captive  prince  was  placed,  but  his 
partisans  could  not  tell  on  which  one,  and 
dared  not  attack  all  four.  Though  Aurang- 
zeb  was  endowed  with  every  kind  of  courage, 
physical  and  moral,  he  was  ever  crafty  and 
suspicious.  It  was  not  in  his  nature  to  be 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


302 

frankly  bold  like  Babar  ; but  as  age  came  on 
he  grew  kinder  and  more  indulgent  to  erring 
human  nature,  though  no  less  distrustful 
of  it. 

He  journeyed  with  Wariness,  and  where  he  halted 

There  Wariness  halted  herself,  his  comrade. 

We  have  a picture  of  the  king  in  the 
seventy-sixth  year  of  his  age,  by  Gemelli, 
a Neapolitan  traveller.  It  is  worth  quota- 
tion, though  it  is  but  a superficial  and  trivial 
portrait  at  the  best.  The  Neapolitan  could 
not  comprehend  a nature  like  the  emperor’s. 

“ Soon  after,  the  king  came  in,  leaning  on 
a staff  forked  at  the  top,  abundance  of  court- 
iers going  before  him.  He  had  on  a white 
vest,  a turban  of  the  same  white  stuff,  and 
tied  with  a gold  web,  on  which  an  emerald 
of  a vast  bigness  appeared  amidst  four  little 
ones.  A silk  sash  covered  the  Indian  dagger 
hanging  at  the  left.  His  shoes  were  after 
the  Moorish  fashion,  and  his  legs  naked, 
without  hose.  Two  servants  put  away  the 
flies  with  long  white  horse-tails  ; another,  at 
the  same  time,  keeping  off  the  sun  with  a 
green  umbrella.  The  king  was  of  low  stature. 


AURANGZEB'S  MOSQUE  AT  BENARES 


Shah  Jahan  and  Aurangzeb  303 

with  a large  nose,  slender  and  stooping  with 
age  (he  was  now  seventy-six  years  old,  as 
has  been  said).  The  whiteness  of  his  round 
beard  was  more  visible  on  his  olive-colored 
skin.  When  he  was  seated,  they  gave  him 
his  cimeter  and  buckler,  which  he  laid  down 
on  his  left  side,  within  the  throne.  Then  he 
made  a sign  with  his  hand  for  those  that  had 
business  to  draw  near  ; who  being  come  up, 
two  secretaries,  standing,  took  their  petitions, 
which  they  delivered  to  the  king,  telling  him 
their  contents.  I admired  to  see  him  indorse 
them  with  his  own  hand,  without  spectacles, 
and  by  his  cheerful,  smiling  countenance  seem 
pleased  with  the  employment.” 

After  the  audience  of  the  king’s  sons  and 
grandsons  and  the  great  officers  was  over, 
the  king  retired,  and  the  court  returned  to 
their  tents,  led  by  the  provost-marshal,  who 
was  preceded  by  a great  trumpet  of  green 
copper  eight  spans  long.  “ That  foolish 
trumpet  made  me  laugh,  because  it  made  a 
noise  much  like  that  our  swine-herds  make 
to  call  together  their  swine  at  night.” 

In  the  fiftieth  year  of  the  reign,  when  he 


304 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


was  eighty-eight  years  old,  Aurangzeb  fell 
seriously  ill.  His  son,  Azam-Shah,  wrote 
for  leave  to  visit  him,  urging  that  the  air 
of  his  station  did  not  agree  with  his  health, 
“ This  displeased  the  emperor,  who  replied 
that  he  had  once  written  a letter  of  exactly 
the  same  effect  to  his  father,  Shah  Jahan, 
when  he  was  ill,  and  that  he  was  told  in 
answer  that  every  air  (Jiawa)  was  suitable  to 
a man,  except  the  fumes  (Jiawci)  of  ambition.” 
Aurangzeb  writes  to  his  two  sons  not  long 
before  his  death.  To  his  heir  he  says  : 
“ Health  to  thee  ! My  heart  is  near  thee. 
Old  age  has  arrived  ; weakness  subdues  me. 
I came  a stranger  into  this  world,  and  a 
stranger  I depart,  knowing  nothing  of  myself, 
what  I am,  or  for  what  I am  destined.  The 
instant  which  has  passed  in  power  hath  left 
only  sorrow  behind  it.  I have  not  been  the 
guardian  and  protector  of  the  empire.  My 
valuable  time  has  been  passed  vainly.  I have 
a dread  for  my  salvation  and  with  what  tor- 
ments I may  be  punished.  Though  I have 
strong  reliance  on  the  mercies  of  Allah,  yet 
regarding  my  actions  fear  will  not  quit  me. 


Shah  Jaha7i  and  Atirangzeb  305 

Come,  then,  what  may,  I have  launched  my 
vessel  in  the  waves.  Give  my  last  prayer  to 
my  grandson,  whom  I cannot  see,  but  the 
desire  affects  me.  The  Begam  (his  daugh- 
ter) appears  afflicted  ; but  Allah  is  the  only 
judge  of  hearts.  The  foolish  thoughts  of 
women  produce  nothing  but  disappointment. 
Farewell.  Farewell.  Farewell.” 

To  his  younger  and  most  beloved  son, 
the  Prince  Kam-Bakhsh,  he  writes  : “ My  son, 
nearest  to  my  heart.  . . . Now  I depart  a 
stranger,  and  lament  my  own  insignificance, 
what  does  it  profit  me  ? I carry  with  me 
the  fruits  of  my  own  sins  and  imperfections. 
Surprising  Providence  ! I came  here  alone, 
and  alone  I depart.  ...  Be  cautious  that 
none  of  the  faithful  are  slain  (in  the  troubles 
which  he  foresees  will  arise),  or  that  their 
miseries  fall  upon  my  head.  The  agonies  of 
death  come  fast  upon  me.  The  courtiers, 
however  deceitful,  yet  must  not  be  ill-treated. 
It  is  necessary  to  gain  your  ends  by  gentle- 
ness and  art.  I am  going.  . . . What- 
ever good  or  evil  I have  done,  it  was  for 
you.  ...  No  one  has  seen  the  departure 

20 


3o6  The  Mogul  Emperors 

of  his  own  soul,  but  I see  that  mine  is 
departing.” 

To  him  the  moral  of  his  long  reign  was 
that  all  is  vanity.  He,  like  the  Caliph 
Abdulrahman  of  Spain,  might  say  : “ Fifty 
years  have  I reigned,  and  in  so  long  a course 
of  time  I count  but  fourteen  days  which  have 
not  been  poisoned  by  some  vexation.” 

When  the  emperor  was  nearly  ninety  years 
old,  and  had  reigned  fifty  years,  he  departed 
to  the  mercy  of  Allah.  He  left  a will  ; and 
in  a letter  he  renounced  the  pomp  of  a 
magnificent  tomb.  “ Carry  this  creature  of 
dust  quickly  to  the  first  burial  place,  and 
consign  him  to  the  earth  without  any  use- 
less coffin,”  he  wrote.  His  funeral  expenses 
were  paid  from  money  which  he  had  himself 
earned  by  transcribing  the  Kuran,  and  they 
were  limited  to  the  smallest  possible  sum. 
According  to  the  will  of  the  king,  his  mortal 
remains  were  to  be  deposited  in  a tomb  con- 
structed during  his  lifetime.  “A  red  stone 
three  yards  in  length,  two  in  width,  and  only 
a few  inches  in  depth,  is  placed  above  the 
tomb.  On  this  stone  was  hollowed  out  a 


Shah  Jahan  and  Aurangzeb  307 

place  for  the  reception  of  earth  and  seeds, 
and  odoriferous  herbs  there  diffused  their 
fragrance  round  about.” 

One  of  Aurangzeb’s  high  nobles  has  left  us 
an  affecting  account  of  the  emperor’s  death. 
“ My  attachment  to  his  majesty  was  so  great 
that,  observing  his  life  to  be  drawing  to  a 
close,  I did  not  wish  to  quit  the  presence. 
The  emperor  called  me  to  him  and  said  : 
‘ Separation  now  takes  place  between  us,  and 
our  meeting  again  is  uncertain.  Forgive, 
then,  whatever  wittingly  or  unwittingly  I 
may  have  done  against  thee,  and  pronounce 
the  or  ds,  I forgive,  three  times,  with  sincerity 
of  heart.  As  thou  hast  served  me  long,  I 
also  forgive  thee  whatever  knowingly  or 
otherwise  thou  mayst  have  done  against  me.’ 
Upon  hearing  these  words  sobs  became  like 
a knot  in  my  throat,  and  I had  not  power  to 
speak.  At  last,  after  his  majesty  had  repeat- 
edly pressed  me,  I made  a shift  to  pronounce 
the  words  I forgive,  three  times,  interrupted 
by  heavy  sobs.  He  shed  many  tears,  re- 
peated the  words,  and,  after  blessing  me, 
ordered  me  to  retire.” 


3o8 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


Khafi-Khan,  who  knew  Aurangzeb  well, 
writes  of  him  that  “ of  all  the  sovereigns  of 
the  house  of  Timur,  no  one  has  ever  been 
so  distinguished  for  devotion,  austerity,  and 
justice.  In  courage,  long-suffering,  and 
sound  judgment  he  was  unrivalled.  But, 
from  reverence  to  the  injunctions  of  the  law, 
he  did  not  make  use  of  punishment  ; and 
without  punishment  the  administration  of  a 
country  cannot  be  maintained.”  “ So  every 
plan  and  project  that  he  formed  came 
(finally)  to  little  good.” 

He  was  the  last  of  the  Mogul  kings  who 
can  be  called  great. 


J 


aurangzeb 


The  Ruin  of  Aurafigzeb 


309 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  RUIN  OF  AURANGZEB  ; OR  THE  HISTORY 
OF  A REACTION  * 

By  Sir  William  Wilson  Hunter,  LL.D.,  K.C.S.I., 
C.I.E.,  ETC. 

When  Dr.  Johnson  wanted  a modern  ex- 
ample of  The  Vanity  of  Human  Wishes,  he 
took  the  career  of  the  Royal  Swede.  But 
during  the  same  period  that  witnessed  the 
brief  glories  of  Charles  the  Twelfth  in 
Europe,  a more  appalling  tragedy  of  wrecked 
ambition  was  being  enacted  in  the  East. 
Within  a year  of  Charles’s  birth  in  1681, 
Aurangzeb,  the  last  of  the  Great  Mughals, 
set  out  with  his  grand  army  for  Southern 
India.  Within  a year  of  Charles’s  fatal 

* It  is  necessary  to  explicitly  say  in  this  place  that  the  British 
copyright  in  this  chapter  is  the  property  of  Sir  William  Wilson 
Hunter",  the  author  of  it,  by  whose  kind  permission  it  is  repro- 
duced in  this  American  book  ; with  the  authority,  however,  to 
circulate  it  in  England  and  the  Colonies. 


Edward  S.  Holden. 


310  The  Mogul  Emperors 

march  to  Russia  in  1708,  Aurangzeb’s  grand 
army  lay  shattered  by  a quarter  of  a century 
of  victory  and  defeat  ; Aurangzeb  himself 
was  dying  of  old  age  and  a broken  heart ; 
while  his  enemies  feasted  around  his  starv- 
ing camp,  and  prayed  heaven  for  long  life 
to  a sovereign  in  whose  obstinacy  and  de- 
spair they  placed  their  firmest  hopes.  The 
Indian  emperor  and  the  Swedish  king  were 
alike  men  of  severe  simplicity  of  life,  of  the 
highest  personal  courage,  and  of  indomit- 
able will.  The  memory  of  both  is  stained  by 
great  crimes.  History  can  never  forget  that 
Charles  broke  an  ambassador  on  the  wheel, 
and  that  Aurangfzeb  imprisoned  his  father 
and  murdered  his  brethren. 

But  here  the  analogy  ends.  As  the  Indian 
emperor  fought  and  conquered  in  a wider 
arena,  so  was  his  character  laid  out  on 
grander  lines,  and  his  catastrophe  came  on 
a mightier  scale.  He  knew  how  to  turn 
back  the  torrent  of  defeat,  by  commanding 
his  elephant’s  legs  to  be  chained  to  the 
ground  in  the  thick  of  the  battle,  with  a 
swift  yet  deliberate  valour  which  Charles 


The  Ruin  of  Aurangzeb  31 1 

might  have  envied.  He  could  spread  the 
meshes  of  a homicidal  intrigue,  enjoying  all 
the  time  the  most  lively  consolations  of  reli- 
gion ; and  he  could  pursue  a State  policy 
with  humane  repugnance  to  the  necessary 
crimes,  yet  with  an  inflexible  assent  to  them, 
which  Richelieu  would  have  admired.  From 
the  meteoric  transit  of  Charles  the  Twelfth 
history  learns  little.  The  sturdy  English 
satirist  probably  put  that  vainglorious  career 
to  its  highest  purpose  when  he  used  it  ‘ to 
point  a moral,  or  adorn  a tale.’  From  the 
ruin  of  Aurano-zeb  the  downfall  of  the  Mughal 

o o 

Empire  dates,  and  the  history  of  modern 
India  begins. 

The  house  of  Timur  had  brought  with  it 
to  India  the  adventurous  hardihood  of  the 
steppes,  and  the  unsapped  vitality  of  the 
Tartar  tent.  Babar,  the  founder  of  the  In- 
dian Mughal  Empire  in  1526,  was  the  sixth 
in  descent  from  Timur,  and  during  six  more 
generations  his  own  dynasty  proved  prolific 
of  strongly  marked  types.  Each  succeeding 
emperor,  from  father  to  son,  was,  for  evil  or 
for  good,  a genuine  original  man.  In  Babar 


312 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


himself,  literally  The  Lion,  the  Mughal 
dynasty  had  produced  its  epic  hero ; in 
Humayun,  its  knight-errant  and  royal  refu- 
gee ; in  Akbar,  its  consolidator  and  states- 
man ; in  Jahangir,  its  talented  drunkard ; 
and  its  magnificent  palace-builder  in  Shah 
Jahan.  It  was  now  to  bring  forth  in 

Aurangzeb  a ruler  whom  hostile  writers 
stigmatise  as  a cold-hearted  usurper,  and 
whom  Muhammadan  historians  venerate  as 
a saint. 

Aurangzeb  was  born  on  the  night  of  the 
4th  of  November  1618,  and  before  he  reached 
the  age  of  ten,  his  father,  Shah  Jahan,  had 
succeeded  to  the  throne  of  his  ancestors. 
His  mother.  The  Exalted  of  the  Palace,  was 
the  last  of  the  great  queens  who  shared  and 
directed  the  fortunes  of  a Mughal  Emperor. 
Married  when  just  out  of  her  teens,  she  bore 
thirteen  children  to  her  husband,  and  died  in 
giving  birth  to  a fourteenth.  Her  nineteen 
years  of  wedded  life  had  been  splendid  but 
sorrowful.  Of  her  children,  eight  died  in 
infancy  or  childhood.  Her  bereaved  hus- 
band raised  to  her,  in  sight  of  his  palace,  the 


The  Riim  of  Aurangzeb  313 

most  beautiful  tomb  in  the  world.  It  crowns 
the  lofty  bank  of  the  Jumna,  a dream  in 
marble,  with  its  cupolas  floating  upwards  like 
silver  bubbles  into  the  sky.  To  this  day  it 
bears  her  Persian  title.  The  Exalted  of  the 
Palace  ; a title  which  travellers  from  many 
far  countries  have  contracted  into  the  Taj 
Mahal. 

She  left  behind  her  four  sons  and  two 
daughters.  Her  eldest  surviving  child  was 
the  Princess  Imperial,  named  the  Ornament 
of  the  W orld  ; a masterful  but  affectionate 
girl  of  seventeen,  and  not  free  from  feminine 
frailties.  The  Princess  Imperial  succeeded 
to  her  mother’s  place  in  her  father’s  heart. 
During  the  remaining  twenty-seven  years 
of  his  reign,  she  guided  his  policy  and  con- 
trolled his  palace ; and  during  his  last  eight 
years  of  dethronement  and  eclipse,  she  shared 
his  imprisonment.  The  great  rest-house  for 
travellers  at  Delhi  was  one  of  her  many 
splendid  charities.  She  died  with  the  fame 
of  her  past  beauty  still  fresh,  unmarried,  at 
the  age  of  sixty-seven.  Her  grave  lies  close 
to  a saint’s  and  to  a poet’s,  in  that  cavipo 


314  The  Mogul  Emperors 

santo  of  marble  latticework,  and  exquisite 
carving-,  and  embroidered  canopies  of  silk 
and  gold,  near  the  Hall  of  the  Sixty-four 
Pillars,  beyond  the  Delhi  walls.  But  only  a 
piece  of  pure  white  marble,  with  a little  grass 
piously  watered  by  generations,  marks  the 
princess’  grave.  ‘ Let  no  rich  canopy  sur- 
mount my  resting  place,’  was  her  dying  in- 
junction, inscribed  on  the  headstone.  ‘This 
grass  is  the  best  covering  for  the  grave  of  a 
lowly  heart,  the  humble  and  transitory  Orna- 
ment of  the  W orld,  the  disciple  of  the  holy 
Man  of  Chist,  the  daughter  of  the  Emperor 
Shah  Jahan.’  But  the  magnificent  mosque  of 
Agra  is  the  public  memorial  of  the  lady  who 
lies  in  that  modest  grass-covered  grave. 

The  eldest  son  of  The  Exalted  of  the 
Palace,  and  the  heir  apparent  to  the  empire, 
was  Prince  Dara.  One  year  younger  than 
the  Princess  Imperial,  he  became  the  object 
of  her  ardent  affection  through  life.  In  the 
troubles  that  were  to  fall  upon  the  family 
she  devoted  herself  to  his  cause.  Dara 
was  an  open-handed,  high-spirited  prince, 
contemptuous  of  advice,  and  destitute  of 


The  Rum  of  Aurangzeb  315 

self-control.  He  had  a noble  and  dignified 
bearing,  except  when  he  lost  his  temper. 
At  such  moments  he  would  burst  out  into 
a tornado  of  abuse,  insulting  and  menacing 
the  greatest  generals  and  officers  of  State. 
The  rigid  observances  of  Islam,  with  its  per- 
petual round  of  prayers  and  its  long  fasts, 
were  distasteful  to  his  nature.  And  he  had 
all  the  rival  religions,  Christian,  Muham- 
madan, and  Hindu  to  choose  from,  in  the 
Court  and  the  seraglio.  Dara  leaned  to- 
wards Christianity  and  Hinduism.  While 
contemptuously  continuing  in  externals  a 
Muhammadan,  he  concocted  for  himself  an 
easy  and  elegant  faith  from  the  alternate 
teaching  of  a Brahman  philosopher  and  a 
French  Jesuit.  He  shocked  good  Mussul- 
mans by  keeping  an  establishment  of  learned 
Hindus  to  translate  their  infidel  scriptures 
into  Persian.  He  even  wrote  a book  himself 
to  reconcile  the  conflictinsf  creeds. 

His  next  brother  Shuja  was  a more  dis- 
creet young  prince.  Conciliatory  to  the 
nobles,  courageous  and  capable  of  forming 
well-laid  plans,  he  might  also  have  been  able 


3i6 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


to  execute  them,  but  for  his  love  of  pleasure. 
In  the  midst  of  critical  affairs,  he  would  sud- 
denly shut  himself  up  with  the  ladies  of  his 
palace,  and  give  days  and  nights  to  wine, 
and  song,  and  dance  ; no  minister  of  State 
daring  to  disturb  his  revels.  Like  his  elder 
brother,  he  too  fell  away  from  the  orthodox 
Suni  faith  of  the  Indian  Muhammadans. 
But  Shuja’s  defection  was  due  to  deliberate 
policy.  He  adopted  the  Shia  heresy  of  Per- 
sia, with  the  hope  of  winning  the  Persian 
adventurers,  then  powerful  at  Court  and  in 
the  army,  to  his  side  in  the  struggle 
which  he  foresaw  must  take  place  for  the 
throne. 

Next  to  him  in  the  family  came  the  princess 
named  The  Brilliant  Lady  ; less  beautiful  and 
less  talented  than  her  elder  sister,  but  equally 
ambitious,  and  fonder  of  gifts  and  of  display. 
She  attached  herself  to  the  cause  of  the  third 
brother  Aurangzeb,  born  fourteen  months 
after  herself.  The  youngest  of  the  four 
brethren  was  Prince  Murad,  six  years  younger 
than  Aurangzeb.  Murad  grew  up  a model 
Muhammadan  knight  : generous,  polite,  a 


The  Rtiin  of  Aurangzeb  317 

despiser  of  intrigue,  and  devoted  to  war  and 
the  chase.  He  boasted  that  he  had  no 
secrets,  and  that  he  looked  only  to  his 
sword  to  win  his  way  to  fortune.  But  as 
years  passed  on,  his  shining  qualities  were  tar- 
nished by  an  increasing  indulgence  at  the 
table,  and  the  struggle  for  the  throne  found 
him,  still  a brave  soldier  indeed,  but  also  a 
glutton  and  a drunkard. 

In  the  midst  of  this  ambitious  and  voluptu- 
ous Imperial  family,  a very  different  character 
was  silently  being  matured.  Aurangzeb,  the 
third  brother,  ardently  devoted  himself  to 
study.  In  after-life  he  knew  the  Kuran  by 
heart,  and  his  memory  was  a storehouse  of 
the  literature,  sacred  and  profane,  of  Islam. 
He  had  himself  a facility  for  verse,  and  wrote 
a prose  style  at  once  easy  and  dignified,  run- 
ning up  the  complete  literary  gamut  from 
pleasantry  to  pathos.  His  Persian  Letters 
to  his  Sons,  thrown  off  in  the  camp,  or  on 
the  march,  or  from  a sick  bed,  have  charmed 
Indian  readers  during  two  centuries,  and  still 
sell  in  the  Punjab  bazaars.  His  poetic  faculty 
he  transmitted  in  a richer  vein  to  his  eldest 


3i8  The  Mogtd  Emperors 

daughter,  whose  verses  survive  under  her 
ii07n  dc  phune  of  The  Incognita. 

But  in  the  case  of  Aurangzeb,  poetry  and 
literary  graces  merely  formed  the  illuminated 
margin  of  a solid  and  sombre  learning.  His 
tutor,  a man  of  the  old  scholastic  philosophy, 
led  him  deep  into  the  ethical  and  grammat- 
ical subtleties  which  still  form  the  too  exclu- 
sive basis  of  an  orthodox  Muhammadan 
education.  His  whole  nature  was  filled  with 
the  stern  religion  of  Islam.  Its  pure  adora- 
tion of  one  unseen  God,  its  calm  pauses  for 
personal  prayer  five  times  each  day,  its 
crowded  celebrations  of  public  worship,  and 
those  exaltations  of  the  soul  which  spring 
from  fasting  and  high-strained  meditation, 
formed  the  realities  of  existence  to  the 
youthful  Aurangzeb.  The  outer  world  in 
which  he  moved,  with  its  pageants  and 
pleasures,  was  merely  an  irksome  intrusion 
on  his  inner  life.  We  shall  presently  see 
him  wishincr  to  turn  hermit.  His  eldest 

o 

brother  scornfully  nicknamed  him  The  Saint. 

To  a young  Muhammadan  prince  of  this 
devout  temper  the  outer  world  was  at  that 


The  Rtiin  of  A tirangzeb  319 

time  full  of  sadness.  The  heroic  soldiers  of 
the  Early  Empire,  and  their  not  less  heroic 
wives,  had  given  place  to  a vicious  and 
delicate  breed  of  grandees.  The  ancestors 
of  Aurangzeb,  who  swooped  down  on  India 
from  the  North,  were  ruddy  men  in  boots. 
The  courtiers  among  whom  Aurangzeb  grew 
up  were  pale  persons  in  petticoats.  Babar, 
the  founder  of  the  empire,  had  swum  every 
river  which  he  met  with  during  thirty  years 
of  campaigning,  including  the  Indus  and 
the  other  great  channels  of  the  Punjab,  and 
the  mighty  Ganges  herself  twice  during  a ride 
of  160  miles  in  two  days.  The  luxurious 
lords  around  the  youthful  Aurangzeb  wore 
skirts  made  of  innumerable  folds  of  the  finest 
white  muslin,  and  went  to  war  in  palankeens. 
On  a royal  march,  when  not  on  duty  with 
the  Emperor,  they  were  carried,  says  an  eye- 
witness, ‘ stretched  as  on  a bed,  sleeping  at 
ease  till  they  reached  their  next  tent,  where 
they  are  sure  to  find  an  excellent  dinner,’  a 
duplicate  kitchen  being  sent  on  the  night 
before. 

A hereditary  system  of  compromise  with 


320 


The  Mogul  E7uperors 


strange  gods  had  eaten  the  heart  out  of  the 
State  religion.  Aurangzeb’s  great-grand- 
father Akbar,  deliberately  accepted  that  sys- 
tem of  compromise  as  the  basis  of  the 
empire.  Akbar  discerned  that  all  previous 
IMuhammadan  rulers  of  India  had  been 
crushed  between  two  opposite  forces ; be- 
tween fresh  hordes  of  Mussulman  invaders 
from  without,  and  the  dense  hostile  masses 
of  the  Hindu  population  within.  He  con- 
ceived the  design  of  creating  a really  national 
empire  in  India,  by  enlisting  the  support  of 
the  native  races.  He  married,  and  he  com- 
pelled his  family  to  marry,  the  daughters  of 
Hindu  princes.  He  abolished  the  Infidel 
Tax  on  the  Hindu  population.  He  threw 
open  the  highest  offices  in  the  State,  and  the 
highest  commands  in  the  army,  to  Hindu 
leaders  of  men. 

The  response  made  to  this  policy  of  con- 
ciliation forms  the  most  instructive  episode 
in  Indian  history.  One  Hindu  general  sub- 
dued for  Akbar  the  great  provinces  of 
Bengal  and  Orissa  ; and  organised,  as  his 
finance  minister,  the  revenue  .system  of  the 


The  Ruin  of  Atirangzcb  321 

Mughal  Empire.  Another  Hindu  general 
governed  the  Punjab.  A third  was  hurried 
southwards  two  thousand  miles  from  his 
command  in  Kabul,  to  put  down  a Muham- 
madan rising  in  districts  not  far  from 
Calcutta.  A Brahman  bard  led  an  imperial 
division  in  the  field,  and  was  Akbar’s  dearest 
friend,  for  whose  death  the  emperor  twice 
went  into  mourning.  While  Hindu  leaders 
thus  commanded  the  armies  and  shaped  the 
policy  of  the  empire,  Hindu  revenue  officers 
formed  the  backbone  of  its  administration, 
and  the  Hindu  military  races  supplied  the 
flower  of  its  troops.  It  was  on  this  political 
confederation  of  interests,  Mussulman  and 
Hindu,  that  the  Mughal  Empire  rested,  so 
long  as  it  endured. 

Akbar  had  not,  however,  been  content 
with  a political  confederation.  He  believed 
that  if  the  empire  was  to  last,  it  must  be 
based  on  a religious  coalition  of  the  Indian 
races.  He  accordingly  constructed  a State 
religion,  catholic  enough,  as  he  thought,  to 
be  acceptable  to  all  his  subjects.  Such  a 
scheme  of  a universal  religion  had,  during 


322 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


two  hundred  years,  been  the  dream  of  Hindu 
reformers  and  the  text  of  wandering  preach- 
ers throughout  India.  On  the  death  of  the 
Bengal  saint  of  the  fifteenth  century,  th,e 
Muhammadans  and  Hindus  contended  for 
his  body.  The  saint  suddenly  appeared  in 
their  midst,  and,  commanding  them  to  look 
under  the  shroud,  vanished.  This  they  did. 
But  under  the  winding  sheet  they  found  only 
a heap  of  beautiful  flowers,  one-half  of  which 
the  Hindus  burned  with  holy  rites,  while  the 
other  half  was  buried  with  pomp  by  the 
Mussulmans.  In  Akbar’s  time,  many  sacred 
places  had  become  common  shrines  for  the 
two  faiths  : the  Mussulmans  venerating  the 
same  impression  on  the  rocks  as  the  foot- 
print of  their  prophet,  which  the  Hindus 
revered  as  the  footprint  of  their  god. 

Akbar,  the  great-grandfather  of  Aurang- 
zeb,  utilised  this  tendency  towards  religious 
coalition  as  an  instrument  of  political  union. 
He  promulgated  a State  religion,  called  the 
Divine  Faith,  which  combined  the  mono- 
theism of  Islam  with  the  symbolic  worship  of 
Hinduism,  and  with  something  of  the  spirit 


The  Rum  of  Atirangzeb  323 

of  Christianity.  He  worshipped  the  sun  as 
the  most  glorious  visible  type  of  the  Deity ; 
and  he  commanded  the  people  to  prostrate 
themselves  before  himself  as  the  Divine 
representative.  The  Muhammadan  lawyers 
set  their  seal  to  a decision  supporting  his 
Majesty.  The  Muhammadan  medical  men 
discovered  that  the  eating  of  beef,  which 
Akbar  had  renounced  as  repugnant  to  Hindu 
sentiment,  was  hurtful  to  the  human  body. 
Poets  glorified  the  new  faith  ; learned  men 
translated  the  Hindu  scriptures  and  the 
Christian  gospel ; Roman  priests  exhibited 
the  birth  of  Jesus  in  waxwork,  and  intro- 
duced the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity.  The 
orthodox  Muhammadan  beard  was  shaved  ; 
the  devout  Muhammadan  salutation  was  dis- 
continued ; the  Muhammadan  confession  of 
faith  disappeared  from  the  coinage  ; the 
Muhammadan  calendar  gave  place  to  the 
Hindu.  At  length,  a formal  declaration  of 
apostasy  was  drawn  up,  renouncing  the 
religion  of  Islam  for  the  Divine  Faith  of 
the  Emperor. 

The  Emperor  was  technically  the  elected 


324  The  Mogul  Emperors 

head  of  the  Muhammadan  congregation,  and 
God’s  vicegerent  on  earth.  It  was  as  ,if  the 
Pope  had  called  upon  Christendom  to  re- 
nounce in  set  terms  the  religrion  of  Christ. 
A Persian  historian  declares  that  when  these 
‘ effective  letters  of  damnation,’  as  he  calls 
them,  issued,  ‘ the  heavens  might  have  rent 
asunder  and  the  earth  opened  her  abyss.’ 
As  a matter  of  fact,  Akbar  was  a fairly  suc- 
cessful religious  founder.  One  or  two  grave 
men  retired  from  his  Court,  and  a local  in- 
surrection was  easily  quelled.  But  Akbar 
had  no  apostolic  successor.  His  son,  the 
talented  drunkard,  while  he  continued  to 
exact  the  prostrations  of  the  people,  revived 
the  externals  of  Islam  at  Court,  and  restored 
the  Muhammadan  confession  of  faith  to  the 
coin.  Akbar’s  grandson,  the  palace-builder, 
abolished  the  prostrations.  At  the  same 
time  he  cynically  lent  his  countenance  to  the 
Hindu  worship,  took  toll  on  its  ceremonies, 
and  paid  a yearly  allowance  to  the  Hindu 
high-priest  at  Benares. 

But  neither  the  son  nor  the  grandson  of 
Akbar  could  stem  the  tide  of  immorality 


The  Rum  of  Aurangzeb  325 

which  rolled  on,  with  an  ever-increasing  vol- 
ume, during  three  generations  of  contempt- 
uous half-belief.  One  of  Akbar’s  younger 
sons  had  drunk  himself  to  death,  smuggling 
in  his  liquor  in  the  barrel  of  his  fowlingpiece, 
when  his  supply  of  wine  was  cut  off.  The 
quarter  of  Delhi  known  as  Shaitanpara,  or 
Devilsville,  dates  from  Akbar’s  reign.  The 
tide  of  immorality  brought  with  it  the  lees 
of  superstition.  Witches,  wizards,  diviners, 
professors  of  palmistry,  and  miracle-workers 
thronged  the  capital.  ‘ Here,’  says  a French 
physician  at  the  Mughal  Court,  ‘ they  tell  a 
poor  person  his  fortune  for  a halfpenny.’ 
A Portuguese  outlaw  sat  as  wisely  on  his  bit 
of  carpet  as  the  rest,  practising  astrology  by 
means  of  an  old  mariner’s  compass  and  a 
couple  of  Romish  prayer-books,  whose  pic- 
tured saints  and  virgins  he  used  for  the  signs 
of  the  zodiac. 

It  was  on  such  a world  of  immorality, 
superstition  and  unbelief  that  the  austere 
young  Aurangzeb  looked  out  with  sad  eyes. 
His  silent  reflections  on  the  prosperous 
apostates  around  him  must  have  been  a 


326  The  Mogul  Emperors 

sombre  monotone,  perhaps  with  ominous 
passages  in  it,  like  that  fierce  refrain  which 
breaks  in  upon  the  Easter  evening  psalm, 
‘ But  in  the  name  of  the  Lord,  I will  destroy 
them,’  A young  prince  in  this  mood  was  a 
rebuke  to  the  palace,  and  might  become  a 
danger  to  the  throne.  No  one  could  doubt 
his  courage  ; indeed  he  had  slain  a lion  set 
free  from  the  intervening  nets  usually  em- 
ployed in  the  royal  chase.  At  the  age  of 
seventeen,  his  father  accordingly  sent  him  to 
govern  Southern  India,  where  the  Hindu 
Marathas  and  two  independent  Muhamma- 
dan kingdoms  professing  the  Shia  heresy, 
might  afford  ample  scope  for  his  piety  and 
valour. 

The  imperial  army  of  the  south,  under  his 
auspices,  took  many  forts,  and  for  a time 
effected  a settlement  of  the  country.  But 
after  eight  years  of  viceregal  splendour, 
Aurangzeb,  at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  re- 
solved to  quit  the  world,  and  to  pass  the  rest 
of  his  life  in  seclusion  and  prayer.  His 
father  angrily  put  a stop  to  this  project ; 
recalled  him  to  Court,  stripped  him  of 


The  Ruin  of  Aurangzeb  327 

his  military  rank,  and  deprived  him  of  his 
personal  estate.  But  next  year  it  was  found 
expedient  to  employ  Aurangzeb  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  another  province  ; and  two 
years  later  he  received  the  great  military  com- 
mand of  Balkh.  On  his  arrival,  the  enemy 
swarmed  like  locusts  upon  his  camp.  The 
attempt  to  beat  them  off  lasted  till  the  hour  of 
evening  prayer  ; when  Aurangzeb  calmly  dis- 
mounted from  his  horse,  kneeled  down  in  the 
midst  of  the  battle,  and  repeated  the  sacred 
ritual.  The  opposing  general,  awed  by  the 
religious  confidence  of  the  prince,  called  off 
his  troops,  saying  ‘ that  to  fight  with  such  a 
man  is  to  destroy  oneself.’  After  about 
seven  years  of  wars  and  sieges  in  Afghanis- 
tan, Aurangzeb  was  again  appointed  Viceroy- 
of  Southern  India. 

In  1657,  his  eldest  brother,  firmly  planted 
in  the  Imperial  Court,  and  watching  with 
impatient  eyes  the  failing  health  of  the 
Emperor,  determined  to  disarm  his  brethren. 
He  procured  orders  to  recall  his  youngest 
brother  Murad  from  his  viceroyalty  on  the 
western  coast ; and  to  strip  Aurangzeb  of  his 


328 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


power  in  the  south.  These  mandates  found 
Aurangzeb  besieging  one  of  the  two  hereti- 
cal Muhammadan  capitals  of  Southern  India. 
Several  of  the  great  nobles  at  once  deserted 
him.  He  patched  up  a truce  with  the  be- 
leaguered city,  and  extorted  a large  sum  of 
money  from  its  boy-king.  He  had  pre- 
viously squeezed  a great  treasure  from  the 
other  independent  Muhammadan  kingdom  of 
the  south.  Thus  armed,  at  the  cost  of  the 
Shia  heretics,  with  the  sinews  of  war,  he 
marched  north  to  deliver  his  father,  the 
Emperor,  from  the  evil  counsels  of  the 
Prince  Imperial.  * 

For  the  Emperor,  now  sixty-seven  years  of 
age,  lay  stricken  with  a terrible  disease. 
The  poor  old  palace-builder  well  knew  the 
two  essential  conditions  for  retaining  the 
Mughal  throne — namely,  to  be  perfectly  piti- 
less to  his  kindred,  and  to  be  in  perfect 
health  himself.  In  the  early  days  of  the 
Empire,  the  royal  family  had  been  knit  to- 
eether  in  bands  of  warm  affection  ; and  its 
chivalrous  founder  had  given  his  own  life  for 
his  son’s.  Babar,  runs  the  story,  seeing  his 


The  Ruin  of  Aurangzeb  329 

son  sinking  under  a mortal  disease,  walked 
three  times  solemnly  round  the  bed,  and  im- 
plored God  to  take  his  own  life  and  spare 
the  prince.  After  a few  moments  of  silent 
prayer,  he  suddenly  exclaimed,  ‘ I have  borne 
it  away  ; I have  borne  it  away  ! ’ and  from 
that  moment  his  son  began  to  recover, 
while  the  Lion  Babar  visibly  declined.  But 
during  three  generations,  the  Mughal  dyn- 
asty had  lain  under  the  curse  of  bad  sons. 
Aurangzeb’s  father,  the  stricken  Emperor, 
had  been  a rebel  prince.  He  left  not  one 
male  alive  of  the  house  of  Timur,  so  that  he 
and  his  children  might  be  the  sole  heirs  of 
the  Empire.  These  children  were  now  to 
prove  his  perdition.  Amid  the  pangs  of  his 
excruciating  disease,  his  eldest  son  Dara 
grasped  the  central  government ; while  the 
next  son.  Prince  Shuja,  hurried  north  from 
his  Viceroyalty  of  Bengal  to  seize  the  im- 
perial capital. 

Prince  Shuja  was  driven  back.  But  there 
was  a son  advancing  from  the  south  whose 
steps  could  not  be  stayed.  Aurangzeb  had 
been  forced  by  his  eldest  brother’s  intrigues 


330  The  Mogul  Emperors 

to  assume  the  defensive.  It  seems  doubtful 
whether,  at  first,  he  aspired  to  the  throne. 
His  sole  desire,  he  declared,  was  to  rescue 
his  father  from  evil  counsellors,  and  then  to 
retire  from  the  world.  This  lonCTlno-  for  the 

o o 

religious  life  had  led  to  his  public  degradation 
when  a young  prince  : it  asserted  itself  amid 
the  splendours  of  his  subsequent  reign.  At 
the  present  crisis  it  served  him  for  a mask  : 
as  to  whether  it  was  genuine,  his  previous 
and  later  life  perhaps  entitle  him  to  the 
benefit  of  a doubt.  On  one  point  he  had 
firmly  made  up  his  mind ; that  the  apostasy 
of  his  two  elder  brothers  disqualified  them 
for  a Muhammadan  throne.  He  accordingly 
resolved  to  join  his  youngest  brother,  whose 
viceroyalty  lay  on  his  way  north  ; and  who, 
although  a drunkard  in  private  life,  was 
orthodox  in  his  public  belief. 

A five  years’  war  of  succession  followed. 
Each  one  of  the  four  brethren  knew  that  the 
stake  for  which  he  played  was  an  empire  or 
a grave.  The  eldest  brother,  Dara,  defeated 
by  Aurangzeb  and  betrayed  into  his  hands, 
was  condemned  by  the  doctors  of  the  law  for 


The  Rum  of  Aurangzeb  331 

his  apostasy  to  Islam,  and  put  to  death  as  a 
renegade.  The  second  brother,  Shuja,  was 
hunted  out  of  his  viceroyalty  of  Bengal  into 
the  swamps  of  Arakan,  and  outraged  by  the 
barbarian  king  with  whom  he  had  sought 
shelter.  The  last  authentic  glimpse  we  get 
of  him  is  flying  across  a mountain  into  the 
woods,  wounded  on  the  head  with  a stone, 
and  with  only  one  faithful  woman  and  three 
followers  to  share  his  end.  The  destiny  of 
the  youngest  brother,  Murad,  with  whom 
Aurangzeb  had  joined  his  forces,  for  some 
time  hung  in  the  balance.  The  tenderness 
with  which  Aurangzeb,  on  a memorable  occa- 
sion, wiped  the  sweat  and  dust  from  his 
brother’s  face,  was  probably  not  altogether 
assumed.  But  the  more  Aurangzeb  saw  of 
the  private  habits  of  the  young  prince,  the 
less  worthy  he  seemed  of  the  throne.  At 
last,  one  night,  Murad  awoke  from  a drunken 
sleep  to  find  himself  Aurangzeb’s  prisoner. 
His  friends  planned  his  escape  ; and  he  would 
have  safely  let  himself  down  from  the  fort- 
ress, but  for  an  alarm  caused  by  the  weeping 
of  a lady  who  had  shared  his  confinement 


The  Mogiil  Emperors 


332 

and  from  whom  he  could  not  part  without 
saying  farewell.  He  was  not  allowed  another 
chance.  Aurangzeb  had  him  tried — nomi- 
nally for  an  old  murder  which  he  had  com- 
mitted when  Viceroy — ^and  executed.  Having 
thus  disposed  of  his  three  brothers,  Aurang- 
zeb got  rid  of  their  sons  by  slow  poisoning 
with  laudanum,  and  shut  up  his  aged  father 
in  his  palace  till  he  died. 

Then  Was  let  loose  on  India  that  tremen- 
dously destructive  force,  a puritan  Muham- 
madan monarch.  In  1658,  in  the  same  sum- 
mer that  witnessed  the  death  of  the  puritan 
Protector  of  EnMand,  Auranofzeb,  at  the  acre 
of  forty,  seated  himself  on  the  throne  of  the 
Mughals.  The  narrative  of  his  long  reign  of 
half  a century  is  the  history  of  a great  reaction 
against  the  religious  compromises  of  his  pre- 
decessors, and  against  their  policy  of  concilia- 
tion towards  the  native  races.  He  set  before 
himself  three  tasks  : he  resolved  to  reform 
the  morals  of  the  Court  ; to  bring  down  the 
Hindus  to  their  proper  place  as  infidels ; and 
to  crush  the  two  heretical  Muhammadan 
kingdoms  of  southern  India. 

O 


The  Rum  of  Atirangzcb  333 

The  luxurious  lords  soon  found  that  they 
had  got  a very  different  master  from  the  old 
palace-builder.  Aurangzeb  was  an  austere 
compound  of  the  emperor,  the  soldier,  and 
the  saint  ; and  he  imposed  a like  austerity 
on  all  around  him.  Of  a humble  silent 
demeanour,  with  a profound  resignation  to 
God’s  will  in  the  height  of  success  as  in  the 
depths  of  disaster,  very  plainly  clothed,  never 
sitting  on  a raised  seat  in  private,  nor  using 
any  vessel  of  silver  or  gold,  he  earned  his  daily 
food  by  manual  labour.  But  he  doubled  the 
royal  charities,  and  established  free  eating- 
houses  for  the  sick  and  poor.  Twice  each 
day  he  took  his  seat  in  court  to  dispense  jus- 
tice. On  Fridays  he  conducted  the  prayers 
of  the  common  people  in  the  great  mosque. 
During  the  month  of  fast,  he  spent  six  to  nine 
hours  anight  in  reading  the  Kuran  to  a select 
assembly  of  the  faithful.  He  completed, 
when  emperor,  the  task  which  he  had  begun 
as  a boy,  of  learning  the  sacred  book  by 
heart ; and  he  presented  two  copies  of  it 
to  Mecca,  beautifully  written  with  his  own 
hand.  He  maintained  a body  of  learned 


334 


The  Mog7il  Emperors 


men  to  compile  a code  of  the  Muhammadan 
law,  at  a cost  exceeding  20,000/.  sterling. 

The  players  and  minstrels  were  silenced  by 
royal  proclamation.  But  they  were  settled 
on  grants  of  land,  if  they  would  turn  to  a 
better  life.  The  courtiers  suddenly  became 
men  of  prayer  ; the  ladies  of  the  seraglio 
took  enthusiastically  to  reciting  the  Kuran. 
Only  the  poor  dancers  and  singers  made  a 
struggle.  They  carried  a bier  with  wailing 
under  the  window  of  the  Emperor.  On  his 
Majesty's  looking  out  and  asking  the  purport 
of  the  funeral  procession,  they  answered,  that 
“ Music  was  dead,  and  that  they  were  bear- 
ing forth  her  corpse.”  “ Pray  bury  her  deeply,” 
replied  the  Emperor  from  the  balcony,  “ so 
that  henceforth  she  may  make  no  more 
noise.” 

The  measures  taken  against  the  Hindus 
seemed  for  a time  to  promise  equal  success. 
Aurangzeb  at  once  stopped  the  allowance 
to  the  Hindu  high-priest  at  Benares.  Some 
of  the  most  sacred  Hindu  temples  he  lev- 
elled with  the  ground,  erecting  magnificent 
mosques  out  of  their  materials  on  the  same 


The  Ruin  of  Aurangzeb  335 

sites.  He  personally  took  part  in  the  work 
of  proselytism.  ‘ His  Majesty,’  says  a Per- 
sian biographer,  ‘ himself  teaches  the  holy 
confession  to  numerous  infidels,  and  invests 
them  with  dresses  of  honour  and  other 
favours.’  He  finally  restored  the  Muhamma- 
dan Calendar.  He  refused  to  receive  offer- 
ings at  the  Hindu  festivals,  and  he  sacrificed 
a large  revenue  from  Hindu  shrines.  He 
remitted  eighty  taxes  on  trade  and  religion, 
at  a yearly  loss  of  several  millions  sterling. 
The  goods  of  the  true  believers,  indeed, 
were  for  some  time  altogether  exempted 
from  duties  ; and  were  eventually  charged 
only  one-half  the  rate  paid  by  the  Hindus. 

These  remissions  of  revenue  compelled 
Aurangzeb  to  resort  to  new  taxation.  When 
his  ministers  remonstrated  against  giving  up 
the  Hindu  pilgrim-tax,  he  sternly  declined  to 
share  the  profits  of  idolatry,  and  proposed  a 
general  tax  on  the  infidels  instead.  That 
hated  impost  had  been  abolished  by  Akbar 
in  the  previous  century — as  part  of  his 
policy  of  conciliation  towards  the  Hindus. 
Aurangzeb  revived  the  poll-tax  on  infidels. 


336 


The  JMogul  Emperors 


in  spite  of  the  clamours  of  the  Hindu  popu- 
lation. They  rent  the  air  with  lamentations 
under  the  palace  windows.  When  he  went 
forth  in  state  on  Friday,  to  lead  the  prayers 
of  the  faithful  in  the  great  mosque,  he  found 
the  streets  choked  with  petitioners.  The 
Emperor  paused  for  a moment  for  the  sup- 
pliant crowd  to  open  ; then  he  commanded 
his  elephants  to  advance,  trampling  the 
wretched  people  under  foot.  The  detested 
impost  was  unsparingly  enforced.  If  a 
Hindu  of  rank,  writes  a Persian  historian, 
met  a menial  of  the  tax-office,  Hiis  counte- 
nance instantly  changed.’  So  low  were  the 
native  races  brought,  that  a proclamation 
issued  forbidding  any  Hindu  to  ride  in  a 
palankeen,  or  on  an  Arab  horse,  without 
a licence  from  Government. 

While  Aurangzeb  dealt  thus  hardly  with 
the  Hindu  population,  his  hand  fell  heavily 
on  the  Hindu  princes.  He  vindictively  re- 
membered that  the  Hindu  Rajputs  had 
nearly  won  the  throne  for  his  eldest  brother, 
and  that  their  most  distiimuished  chief  had 

o 

dared  to  remonstrate  with  himself.  ‘ If  vour 


The  Rtiin  of  Aurangzeb  337 

Majesty,'  wrote  the  brave  Hindu  Raja  of 
Jodhpur,  ‘ places  any  faith  in  books  by  dis- 
tinction called  divine,  you  will  there  be 
instructed  that  God  is  the  God  of  all  man- 
kind, not  the  God  of  the  Mussulmans  alone. 
In  your  temples  to  His  name,  the  voice  of 
prayer  is  raised  ; in  a house  of  images,  where 
a bell  is  shaken.  He  is  still  the  object  of 
worship.’  Aurangzeb  did  not  venture  to 
quarrel  with  this  great  military  prince.  He 
sought  his  friendship,  and  employed  him  in 
the  highest  and  most  dangerous  posts.  But 
on  his  death,  the  Emperor  tried  to  seize  his 
infant  sons.  The  chivalrous  blood  of  the 
Rajputs  boiled  over  at  this  outrage  on  the 
widow  and  the  orphan.  They  rose  in  rebel- 
lion ; one  of  Aurangzeb’s  own  sons  placed 
himself  at  their  head,  proclaimed  himself 
emperor,  and  marched  against  his  father  with 
70,000  men.  A bitter  war  of  religion  fol- 
lowed. i\urans[:zeb,  whose  cause  for  a time 
had  seemed  hopeless,  spared  not  the  Hindus. 
He  burned  their  homesteads,  cut  down  their 
fruit-trees,  defiled  their  temples,  and  carried 
away  cartloads  of  their  gods  to  the  capital. 


338  The  Mogul  Emperors 

There  he  thrust  the  helpless  images,  with 
their  faces  downwards,  below  the  steps  of  the 
great  mosque,  so  that  they  should  be  hourly 
trampled  under  foot  by  the  faithful.  The 
Rajputs,  on  their  side,  despoiled  the  mosques, 
burned  the  Kuran,  and  insulted  the  prayer- 
readers.  The  war  ended  in  a sullen  submis- 
sion of  the  Hindus  ; but  the  Rajputs  became 
thenceforth  the  destroyers,  instead  of  the 
supporters,  of  the  Mughal  Empire. 

Having  thus  brought  low  the  infidel 
Hindus  of  the  north,  Aurangzeb  turned  his 
strength  against  the  two  heretical  Muham- 
madan kingdoms  of  southern  India.  The 
conquest  of  the  south  had  been  the  dream 
of  the  Mughal  dynasty.  During  four  genera- 
tions, each  emperor  had  laboured,  with  more 
or  less  constancy,  at  the  task.  To  the  aus- 
tere conscience  of  Aurangzeb  it  seemed  not 
only  an  unalterable  part  of  the  imperial 
policy,  but  an  imperative  religious  duty.  It 
grew  into  the  fixed  idea  of  his  life.  The 
best  years  of  his  young  manhood,  from  sev- 
enteen to  forty,  he  had  spent  as  Viceroy  of 
the  South,  against  the  heretic  Shia  kinerdoms 


The  Ruin  of  Aurangzeb  339 

and  the  infidel  Marathas.  When  the  Vice- 
roy of  the  South  became  Emperor  of  India, 
he  placed  a son  in  charge  of  the  war.  Dur- 
ing the  first  twenty-three  years  of  his  reign, 
Aurangzeb  directed  the  operations  from  his 
distant  northern  capital.  But  at  the  age  of 
sixty-three  he  realised  that,  if  he  was  ever  to 
conquer  the  South,  he  must  lead  his  armies 
in  person.  Accordingly,  in  1681,  he  set 
forth,  now  a white-bearded  man,  from  his 
capital,  never  to  return.  The  remaining 
twenty-six  years  of  his  life  he  spent  on  the 
march,  or  in  the  camp,  until  death  released 
him,  at  the  age  of  nearly  ninety,  from  his 
long-  labour. 

Already  a great  sense  of  isolation  had 
chilled  the  Emperor’s  heart.  ‘ The  art  of 
reigning,’  he  said,  ‘ is  so  delicate,  that  a 
king’s  jealousy  should  be  awakened  by  his 
very  shadow.’  His  brothers  and  nephews 
had  been  slain,  as  a necessary  condition  of 
his  accession  to  the  throne.  His  own  sons 
were  now  impatient  of  his  long  reign.  One 
of  them  had  openly  rebelled  ; the  conduct  of 
another  was  so  doubtful  that  the  imperial 


340  The  Mogul  Emperors 

guns  had  to  be  pointed  against  his  division 
durinp-  a battle.  The  able  Persian  adven- 

O 

turers,  who  had  formed  the  most  trustworthy 
servants  of  the  Empire,  were  discounte- 
nanced by  Aurangzeb  as  Shia  heretics.  The 
Hindus  had  been  alienated  as  infidels.  But 
one  mighty  force  still  remained  at  his  com- 
mand. Never  had  the  troops  of  the  Empire 
been  more  regularly  paid  or  better  equipped, 
although  at  one  time  better  disciplined. 
Aurangzeb  knew  that  the  army  alone  stood 
between  him  and  the  disloyalty  of  his  sons, 
between  him  and  the  hatred  of  the  native 
races.  He  now  resolved  to  hurl  its  whole 
weight  against  the  two  heretical  Muhamma- 
dan kingdoms  of  southern  India. 

The  military  array  of  the  Empire  con- 
sisted of  a regular  army  of  about  400,000 
men,  and  a provincial  militia  estimated  as 
high  as  4,400,000.  The  militia  was  made 
up  of  irregular  levies,  uncertain  in  number, 
incapable  of  concentration,  and  whose  ser- 
vices could  only  be  relied  on  for  a short 
period.  The  regular  army  consisted  partly 
of  contingents,  whose  commanders  received 


The  Rtiin  of  Aurangzeb  341 

grants  of  territory,  or  magnificent  allowances 
for  their  support,  partly  of  troops  paid  direct 
from  the  imperial  treasury.  The  policy  of 
Akbar  had  been  to  recruit  from  three  mutu- 
ally hostile  classes — the  Suni  Muhammadans 
of  the  Empire,  the  Shia  Muhammadans  from 
beyond  the  north-western  frontier,  and  the 
Hindu  Rajputs.  The  Shia  generals  were 
conspicuous  for  their  skill,  the  Rajput  troops 
for  their  valour.  On  the  eve  of  battle  the 
Rajput  warriors  bade  each  other  a cheerful 
farewell  for  ever ; not  without  reason,  as  in 
one  of  Aurangzeb’s  actions  only  six  hundred 
Rajputs  survived  out  of  eight  thousand. 

The  strength  of  the  army  lay  in  its  cav- 
alry, 200,000  strong.  The  pay  was  high,  a 
trooper  with  only  one  horse,  says  Bernier, 
receiving  not  less  than  Rs.  25  (say  55  shil- 
lings) a month — a large  sum  in  those  days. 
Cavaliers  with  parties  of  four  or  more  horses 
drew  from  200/.  to  nearly  1,000/.  sterling  a 
year,  while  a commander  of  five  thousand 
had  an  annual  surplus  of  15,000/.  sterling, 
after  defraying  all  expenses.  The  sons  of 
the  nobility  often  served  as  private  troopers. 


342 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


and  the  path  of  promotion  lay  open  to  all. 
Originally  a commander  of  cavalry  was 
bound  to  maintain  an  equal  number  of 
infantry,  one-fourth  of  them  to  be  match- 
lockmen  and  the  rest  archers.  But,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  the  infantry  were  a despised 
force,  consisting  of  15,000  picked  men 
around  the  king’s  person,  and  a rabble  of 
200,000  to  300,000  foot  soldiers  and  camp- 
followers  on  the  march.  The  matchlock- 
men  squatted  on  the  ground,  resting  their 
pieces  on  a wooden  fork  which  they  carried 
on  their  backs ; ‘ terribly  afraid,’  says 

Bernier,  ‘of  burning  their  eyelashes  or 
long  beards  ; and,  above  all,  lest  some  jin 
or  evil  spirit  should  cause  the  musket  to 
burst.’  For  every  random  shot  which  they 
fired  under  these  disadvantages,  the  cavalry 
discharged  three  arrows  with  a good  aim,  at 
their  ease.  The  pay  of  a matchlockman 
went  as  high  as  qqj'.  a month. 

The  artillery  consisted  of  a siege-train, 
throwing  balls  up  to  96  and  112  pounds; 
a strong  force  of  field-guns  ; 200  to  300 

swivel  guns  on  camels ; and  ornamental 


The  R^iin  of  Aurangzeb  343 

batteries  of  light  guns,  known  as  the  stirrup- 
artillery.  The  stirrup-artillery  on  a royal 
march  numbered  50  or  60  small  brass  pieces, 
mounted  on  painted  carriages,  each  drawn 
by  two  horses,  with  a third  horse  led  by  an 
assistant  driver  as  a relay.  At  one  time 
many  of  the  gunners  had  been  Christians 
or  Portuguese,  drawing  22/.  sterling  per 
'me7tse77t.  The  monthly  pay  of  a native 
artilleryman  under  Aurangzeb  was  about 
70^.  The  importance  of  the  artillery  may 
be  estimated  from  the  fact,  that  after  a 
battle  with  one  of  his  brothers,  Aurangzeb 
found  1 14  cannon  left  on  the  field.  The 
army  of  Kandahar  in  1651  carried  with  it 
30,000  cannon-balls,  400,000  lbs.  of  gun- 
powder, and  14,000  rockets.  The  war  ele- 
phants were  even  more  important  than  the 
artillery.  Experienced  generals  reckoned 
one  good  elephant  equal  to  a regiment  of 
500  cavalry ; or,  if  properly  supported  by 
matchlockmen,  at  double  that  number.  Ele- 
phants cost  from  io,ood/.  downwards  : 500/. 
to  1,000/.  being  a common  price.  Akbar 
kept  5,000  of  these  huge  animals,  ‘ in 


344 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


strength  like  a mountain,  in  courage  and 
ferocity  lions.’  Under  Aurangzeb,  over 
800  elephants  were  maintained  in  the  royal 
stables,  besides  the  large  number  employed 
on  service  and  in  the  provinces. 

A pitched  battle  commenced  with  a 
mutual  cannonade.  The  guns  were  placed 
in  front,  sometimes  linked  together  with 
chains  of  iron.  Behind  them  were  ranged 
the  camel-artillery  with  swivel-guns,  sup- 
ported by  the  matchlockmen  ; the  elephants 
were  kept  as  much  as  possible  out  of  the 
first  fire  ; the  cavalry  poured  in  their  arrows 
from  either  flank.  The  Emperor,  on  a lofty 
armour-plated  elephant,  towered  conspicuous 
in  the  centre  ; princes  of  the  blood  or  power- 
ful chiefs  commanded  the  right  and  left 
wings.  But  there  was  no  proper  staff  to 
enable  the  Emperor  to  keep  touch  with  the 
wings  and  the  rear.  After  the  cannonade 
had  done  its  work  of  confusion,  a tremen- 
dous cavalry  charge  took  place ; the  horse 
and  elephants  being  pushed  on  in  front  and 
from  either  flank  to  break  the  adverse  line 
of  enns.  In  the  hand-to-hand  onset  that 


The  Ruin  of  Aurangzeb  345 

followed,  the  centre  division  and  each  wing 
fought  on  its  own  account ; and  the  com- 
mander-in-chief might  consider  himself  fortu- 
nate if  one  of  his  wings  did  not  go  over  to 
the  enemy.  If  the  Emperor  descended  from 
his  elephant,  even  to  pursue  the  beaten  foe 
on  horseback,  his  own  troops  might  in  a 
moment  break  away  in  panic,  and  the  just 
won  victory  be  turned  into  a defeat. 

With  all  its  disadvantagfes,  the  weight  of 
this  array  was  such  that  no  power  then  in 
India  could,  in  the  long  run,  withstand.  Its 
weak  point  was  not  its  order  of  battle,  but 
the  disorder  of  its  march.  There  was  no 
complete  chain  of  subordination  between  the 
divisional  commanders.  A locust  multitude 
of  followers  ate  up  the  country  for  leagues 
on  either  side.  The  camp  formed  an  Im- 
mense city  sometimes  five  miles  In  length, 
sometimes  seven  and  a half  miles  in  circum- 
ference. Dead  beasts  of  burden  poisoned  the 
air.  ‘ I could  never,’  writes  Bernier,  in  words 
which  his  countryman  Dupleix  turned  into 
action  a century  later,  ‘see  these  soldiers, 
destitute  of  order,  and  moving  with  the 


346  The  Mogul  Emperors 

irregularity  of  a herd  of  animals,  without 
thinking  how  easily  five  and  twenty  thou- 
sand of  our  veterans  from  Flanders,  under 
Conde  or  Turenne,  would  destroy  an  Indian 
army,  however  vast.’ 

A Bundela  officer  in  the  grand  army  has 
left  a journal  of  its  operations,  but  without 
mentioning  the  total  number  of  troops 
employed.  Aurangzeb  found  two  distinct 
powers  in  southern  India  : first,  the  heretical 
Muhammadan  kingdoms  of  Golconda  and 
Bijapur ; second,  the  fighting  Hindu  peas- 
antr}%  known  as  the  Marathas.  In  the 
previous  century,  while  Akbar  was  con- 
ciliating the  Hindu  Rajputs  of  the  north, 
the  independent  Muhammadan  sovereigns 
of  the  south  had  tried  a like  policy  toward 
the  Hindu  Marathas,  with  less  success. 
During  a hundred  years,  the  Marathas  had 
sometimes  sided  with  the  independent 
Muhammadan  kingdoms  against  the  im- 
perial troops,  sometimes  with  the  imperial 
troops  against  the  independent  Muhamma- 
dan kingdoms  ; exacting  payment  from  both 
sides  ; and  gradually  erecting  themselves 


The  Ruin  of  Atirangzeb  347 

into  a third  party  which  held  the  balance 
of  power  in  the  south.  After  several 
years  of  fighting,  Aurangzeb  subdued  the 
two  Muhammadan  kingdoms,  and  set  him- 
self to  finally  crush  the  Hindu  Marathas. 
In  1690  their  leader  was  captured  ; but  he 
scornfully  rejected  the  Emperor’s  offer  of 
pardon  coupled  with  the  condition  of  turning 
^.Iussalman.  His  eyes  were  burned  in  their 
sockets  with  a red-hot  iron,  and  the  tongue 
which  had  blasphemed  the  Prophet  was  cut 
out.  The  skin  of  his  head,  stuffed  with 
straw,  was  insultingly  exposed  throughout 
the  cities  of  southern  India. 

These  and  similar  atrocities  nerved  with 
an  inextinguishable  hatred  the  whole  Mara- 
tha  race.  The  guerilla  war  of  extermination 
which  followed  during  the  next  seventeen 
years  has  scarcely  a parallel  in  history.  The 
Marathas  first  decoyed,  then  baffled,  and 
finally  slaughtered  the  imperial  troops.  The 
chivalrous  Rajputs  of  the  north  had  stood 
up  against  the  shock  of  the  grand  army  and 
had  been  broken  by  it.  The  Hindu  peasant 
confederacy  of  the  south  employed  a very 


348 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


different  strategy.  They  had  no  idea  of 
bidding  farewell  to  each  other  on  the  eve 
of  a battle,  or  of  dying  next  day  on  a pitched 
field.  They  declined  altogether  to  fight 
unless  they  were  sure  to  win  ; and  their 
word  for  victory  meant  ‘ to  plunder  the 
enemy.’  Their  clouds  of  horsemen,  scantily 
clad,  with  only  a folded  blanket  for  a saddle, 
rode  jeeringly  round  the  imperial  cavalry 
swathed  in  sword-proof  wadding,  or  fainting 
under  chain-armour,  and  with  difficulty  spur- 
ring their  heavily  caparisoned  steeds  out  of 
a prancing  amble.  If  the  imperial  cavalry 
charged  in  force,  they  charged  into  thin  air. 
If  they  pursued  in  detachments,  they  were 
speared  man  by  man. 

In  the  M ughal  army  the  foot  soldier  was 
an  object  of  contempt.  The  Maratha  in- 
fantry were  among  the  finest  light  troops  in 
the  world.  Skilled  marksmen,  and  so  agile 
as  almost  always  to  be  able  to  choose  their 
own  ground,  they  laughed  at  the  heavy 
cavalry  of  the  Empire.  The  Marathas 
camped  at  pleasure  around  the  grand  army, 
cutting  off  supplies,  dashing  in  upon  its  line 


1 he  Rtiin  of  Aurangzcb  349 

of  march,  plundering  the  ammunitlon-wag- 
o[ons  at  river-crossings,  and  allowing  the 
wearied  imperialists  no  sleep  by  night- 
attacks.  If  they  did  not  pillage  enough  food 
from  the  royal  convoys,  every  homestead 
was  ready  to  furnish  the  millet  and  onions 
which  was  all  they  required.  When  encum- 
bered with  booty,  or  fatigued  with  fighting, 
they  vanished  into  their  hill  forts  ; and 
next  morning  fresh  swarms  hung  upon  the 
imperial  line  of  march.  The  tropical  heats 
and  rains  added  to  the  miseries  of  the 
northern  troops.  One  autumn  a river  over- 
flowed the  royal  camp  at  midnight,  sweeping 
away  ten  thousand  men,  with  countless  tents, 
horses,  and  bullocks.  The  destruction  only 
ceased  when  the  aged  Emperor  wrote  a 
prayer  on  paper  with  his  own  hand,  and  cast 
it  into  the  rising  waters. 

During  ten  years  Aurangzeb  directed 
these  disastrous  operations,  chiefly  from  a 
headquarters’  cantonment.  But  his  head- 
quarters had  grown  into  an  enormous  assem- 
blage, estimated  by  an  Italian  traveller  at 
over  a million  persons.  The  Marathas  were 


350 


The  Mogtd  Emperors 


now  plundering  the  imperial  provinces  to  the 
north,  and  had  blocked  the  line  of  commu- 
nication with  upper  India.  In  1698  the 
Emperor,  lean,  and  stooping  under  the 
burden  of  eighty  years,  broke  up  his  head- 
quarters, and  divided  the  remnants  of  his 
forces  into  two  corps  d'arinee.  One  of  them 
he  sent  under  his  best  general  to  hold  the 
Marathas  in  check  in  the  open  country. 
The  other  he  led  in  person  to  besiege  their 
cities  and  hill  forts.  The  corps  ci'armee  of 
the  plains  was  beguiled  into  a fruitless  chase 
from  province  to  province  ; fighting  nineteen 
battles  in  six  months.  It  marched  and 
counter-marched,  writes  the  Bundela  officer, 
3,000  miles  in  one  continuous  campaign, 
until  the  elephants,  horses,  and  camels  were 
utterly  worn  out. 

The  Emperor’s  corps  d'armee  fared  even 
worse.  Forty  years  before,  in  the  struggle 
for  the  throne,  he  had  shared  the  bread  of 
the  common  soldiers,  slept  on  the  bare 
ground,  or  reconnoitred,  almost  unattended, 
several  leagues  in  front.  The  youthful 
spirit  flamed  up  afresh  in  the  aged  monarch. 


The  Ruin  of  Aurangzeb  351 

He  marched  his  troops  in  the  height  of  the 
rainy  season.  Many  of  the  nobles,  having 
lost  their  horses,  had  to  trudge  through  the 
mire  on  foot.  Fort  after  fort  fell  before  his 
despairing  onslaught  ; but  each  capture  left 
his  army  more  shattered  and  the  forces  of 
the  enemy  unimpaired.  At  last  his  so-called 
sieges  dwindled  into  an  attack  on  a fortified 
village  of  banditti,  during  which  he  was 
hemmed  in  within  his  own  entrenchments.  In 
1703  the  Marathas  had  surprised  an  imperial 
division  on  the  banks  of  the  Narbada,  21,000 
strong,  and  massacred  or  driven  it  pell-mell 
into  the  river,  before  the  troopers  could  even 
saddle  their  horses.  In  1705  the  imperial 
elephants  were  carried  off  from  their  pasture- 
ground  outside  the  royal  camp  ; the  convoys 
from  the  north  w'ere  intercepted  ; and  grain 
rose  to  fivepence  a pound  in  the  army — a 
rate  more  than  ten  times  the  ordinary  price, 
and  scarcely  reached  even  in  the  severest 
Indian  famines  when  millions  have  died  of 
starvation.  The  Marathas  had  before  this 
begun  to  recover  their  forts.  The  Emperor 
collected  the  wreck  of  his  army,  and  tried  to 


352 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


negotiate  a truce.  But  the  insolent  exulta- 
tion of  the  enemy  left  him  no  hope.  ‘ They 
plundered  at  pleasure,’  says  the  Bundela 
officer,  ‘ every  province  of  the  south  ; ’ ‘ not 
a single  person  durst  venture  out  of  the 
camp.’ 

In  1706,  a quarter  of  a century  since  the 
grand  army  had  set  forth  from  the  northern 
capital,  the  Emperor  began  to  sink  under  the 
accumulation  of  disasters.  While  he  was  shut 
up  within  his  camp  in  the  far  south,  the 
Marathas  had  organised  a regular  system  of 
extorting  one-fourth  of  the  imperial  revenue 
from  several  of  the  provinces  to  the  north. 
In  the  northwest  the  Hindu  Rajputs  were  in 
arms.  Still  further  north,  the  warlike  Jat 
Hindu  peasantry  were  up  in  revolt,  near  the 
capital.  Aurangzeb  had  no  one  to  quell  this 
general  rising  of  the  Hindu  races.  The  Mu- 
hammadan generals,  who  had  served  him  so 
well  during  his  prime  of  life,  now  perceived 
that  the  end  was  near,  and  began  to  shift  for 
themselves.  Of  his  four  surviving  sons,  he  had 
imprisoned  the  eldest  during  six  years  ; and 
finally  released  him  only  after  eleven  years 


The  Rm'u  of  Aurangzeb  353 

of  restraint.  The  next  and  most  favoured 
son  so  little  trusted  his  father  that,  after  one 
narrow  escape,  he  never  received  a letter 
from  the  Emperor  without  turning  pale.  The 
third  son  had  been  during  eighteen  years  a 
fugitive  in  Persia  from  his  father’s  vengeance, 
wearying  the  Shah  for  an  army  with  which 
to  invade  Hindustan.  The  fourth  son  had 
known  what  it  was  to  be  arrested  on  suspicion. 
The  finances  had  sunk  into  such  confusion 
that  the  Emperor  did  not  dare  to  discuss 
them  with  his  ministers.  With  one  last 
effort,  he  retreated  to  Ahmadnagar ; the 
Marathas  insulting  the  line  of  march,  but 
standing  aside  to  allow  the  litter  of  the 
Emperor  to  pass,  in  an  awed  silence. 

The  only  escape  left  to  the  worn-out  Em- 
peror was  to  die.  ‘ I came  a stranger  into 
the  world,'  he  wrote  to  one  of  his  sons  a 
few  days  before  the  end,  ‘ and  a stranger 
I depart.  I brought  nothing  with  me,  and, 
save  my  human  infirmities,  I carry  nothing 
away.  I have  fears  for  my  salvation,  and  of 
what  torments  may  await  me.  Although  I 
trust  in  God’s  mercy,  yet  terror  will  not  quit 


354 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


me.  But,  come  what  may,  I have  launched 
my  barque  on  the  waves.  Farewell,  farewell, 
farewell  ! ’ The  fingers  of  the  dying  mon- 
arch kept  mechanically  telling  his  beads  till 
the  last  moment.  He  expired  on  the  21st 
of  February,  1707,  in  the  91st  year  of  his 
age  and  the  51st  of  his  reign  according  to 
the  Muhammadan  calendar;  or  two  years 
less  by  our  reckoning  of  time.  ‘ Carry  this 
creature  of  dust  to  the  nearest  burying-place,’ 
he  said,  ‘ and  lay  it  in  the  earth  without  any 
useless  coffin.’  His  will  restricted  his  funeral 
expenses  to  ten  shillings,  which  he  saved  from 
the  sale  of  work  done  with  his  own  hands. 
Ninety  odd  pounds  that  he  had  earned  by 
copying  the  Kuran,  he  left  to  the  poor.  His 
followers  buried  him  beside  the  tomb  of  a 
famous  saint,  near  the  deserted  capital  of 
Daulatabad. 

Never  since  the  Assyrian  summer  night 
when  the  Roman  Emperor  Julian  lay  dying 
of  the  javelin  wound  in  his  side,  had  an  im- 
perial policy  of  reaction  ended  in  so  complete 
a catastrophe.  The  Roman  Empire  was  des- 
tined to  centuries  of  further  suffering  before 


The  Ruin  of  Aurangzeb  355 

it  passed  through  death  Into  new  forms  of  life. 
The  history  of  Aurangzeb’s  successors  is  a 
swifter  record  of  ruin.  The  Hindu  military 
races  closed  in  upon  the  Mughal  Empire ; its 
Muhammadan  viceroys  carved  out  for  them- 
selves independent  kingdoms  from  its  dis- 
membered provinces.  A series  of  puppet 
monarchs  were  set  up  and  pulled  down  ; seven 
devastating  hosts  poured  into  India  through 
the  northern  passes  ; a new  set  of  Invaders 
who  would  take  no  denial  landed  from  the 
sea.  Less  than  a century  after  Aurangzeb’s 
death,  Lord  Lake,  on  his  entry  into  Delhi, 
was  shown  a feeble  old  captive  of  the  Hindu 
Marathas,  blinded,  poverty-stricken,  and  half 
imbecile,  sitting  under  a tattered  canopy, 
whom  he  compassionately  saluted  as  the 
Mughal  Emperor.  A new  rule  succeeded  in 
India  ; a rule  under  which  the  too  rapid  re- 
forms of  Akbar,  and  the  too  obstinate  reaction 
of  Aurangzeb,  are  alike  impossible. 

Periods  of  progress  have  alternated  with 
periods  of  pause.  But  the  advance  has  been 
steady  towards  that  consciousness  of  solidar- 
ity, that  enlightenment  of  the  masses,  and 


356 


The  Mogul  Efnperors 


that  capacity  for  political  rights,  which  mark 
the  growth  of  a nation.  It  was  by  the  aliena- 
tion of  the  native  races  that  the  Mughal 

o 

Empire  perished  ; it  is  by  the  incorporation 
of  those  races  into  a loyal  and  united  people 
that  the  British  rule  will  endure. 


And  ye,  that  read  these  Ruines  Tragicall, 
Learne,  by  their  losse,  to  love  the  low  degree; 
And,  if  that  Fortune  chaunce  you  up  to  call 
To  Honour' s seat,  forget  not  what  you  be  : 
For  he,  that  of  himself  is  most  secure. 
Shall  finde  his  state  most  fickle  and  unsure. 


The  Conquests  of  India — Appendix  357 


THE  CONQUESTS  OF  INDIA— 
APPENDIX 

Alexander  the  Great  entered  India  327 
B.C.,  and  with  his  invasion  our  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  country  begins.  The 
empire  of  Chandra-Gupta  was  formed  on  the 
remains  of  Alexander’s  conquest,  and  endured 
from  316  to  292  B.c.  His  grandson,  the  mild 
and  pious  Asoka  (264—223  b.c.),  established 
Buddhism  throughout  all  India,  even  to 
Ceylon.  An  Indian  embassy  was  sent  to 
Caesar  Augustus  in  Rome  (22—20  b.c.),  and 
many  coins  of  the  reigns  of  Nero  and 
Tiberius  have  been  found  buried  in  India 
in  recent  times.  Buddhism  was  superseded 
in  India  at  about  the  period  when  Muham- 
madanism was  rising  in  Arabia.  Muhammad 
died  in  632  a.d.,  and  thirty-two  years  later 
India  was  invaded  by  his  followers ; and 
again  in  71 1 and  977.  The  great  Mahmud 
(977  to  1010)  conquered  the  country  from 


358 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


Persia  to  the  Ganges,  and  established  an 
empire  which  lasted  till  1 1 86,  when  it 
was  overthrown  by  the  Afghans  of  Ghor. 
hluhammad  Ghori  was  assassinated  in  1206, 
and  one  of  his  slaves,  a viceroy,  founded 
a dynasty,  with  its  capital  at  Delhi,  which 
existed  till  1288. 

The  third  great  conqueror  was  Allah-ud- 
din-Khilji  (1294-1316),  whose  successful 
generals  (specially  Malik  Kafur)  overran 
even  the  remotest  regions  of  Southern 
India.  A successful  revolt  (1321)  founded 
the  Tughlak  dynasty,  which  endured 
till  about  1400  A.D.  Muhammad  Tugh- 
lak, the  second  of  the  house,  removed 
his  capital  from  Delhi  to  the  Deccan. 
Gradually  his  subordinate  kings  threw  off 
their  allegiance  and  set  up  independent 
states.  The  Afghan  kingdoms  of  Bengal 
date  from  about  1336.  This  dismember- 
ment of  the  country  favored  the  progress 
of  the  fourth  great  invader,  Timur. 

Timur’s  invasion  was  in  1398.  After  fear- 
ful victories  and  slaughters,  he  returned  to 
Samarkand,  which  was  the  central  city  of  the 


The  Conquests  of  hidia — Appendix  359 

many  petty  kingdoms  parcelled  out  to  his 
descendants. 

India  was  left  in  confusion,  ruled  by 
Hindu,  by  Afghan,  by  Turki  kings  and 
rajahs,  and  all  at  war.  Babar,  the  sixth 
in  descent  from  Timur,  invaded  India  in 
1525,  and  founded  the  Mogul  Empire,  so 
called,  which  lasted,  theoretically  at  least, 
till  the  mutiny  of  1857.  Its  real  unity  and 
power  ended  with  the  reign  of  Aurangzeb  in 
1707. 

Babar’s  was  the  first  conquest  of  India  ; 
all  the  previous  invasions  had  been  mere 
razzias  in  search  of  plunder.  His  son 
Humayun  simply  succeeded  in  not  losing 
the  empire  ; his  grandson  Akbar  organized 
and  consolidated  the  Mogul  power.  The 
son  and  grandson  of  Akbar  (Jahangir  and 
Shah  Jahan)  ruled  over  a magnificent  and 
fairly  homogeneous  realm.  With  Aurang- 
zeb’s  long  reign  the  solidarity  of  the  empire 
ended  forever. 

The  principal  dates  in  the  period  referred 
to  in  this  book  are  collected  in  what  follows, 
for  convenience.  In  most  cases  they  are 


360  The  Mogul  Emperors 

simply  copied  from  Sir  W.  W.  Hunter’s 
admirable  book,  The  Indian  Empire : Its 
People,  History,  and  Products  (Trubner’s 


Oriental  Series). 

A.D. 

Irruption  of  the  Moguls  under  Timur  (Tamer- 
lane)  1398-99 

Timur  captures  Delhi 1398 

Babar — sixth  in  descent  from  Timur — born 1483 

“ becomes  king  of  Ferghana i494 

“ conquers  Samarkand 1497 

“ conquers  Kabul 1504 

“ invades  India ....  1526 

“ dies 1530 

Humayun — Babar’s  son — succeeds iS3° 

“ capture  of  Lahore  and  occupation  of 

the  Punjab  by  his  brother  Kamran  1530 
“ campaigns  in  Mahva  and  Guzarat. ...  1532 
“ defeated  by  Sher-Shah,  the  Afghan 

ruler  of  Bengal  ; retreat  to  Agra 1539 

“ finally  defeated  by  Sher-Shah;  escapes 
to  Persia  as  an  exile  ; Sher-Shah  as- 
cends the  Delhi  throne 1540 

“ returns  to  India  ; defeat  of  the  Afghans 
by  his  young  son  Akbar  ; dies,  and 

is  succeeded  by  Akbar 1556 

Akbar — son  of  Humayun — born  at  Amarkat  in  Sind  1542 
“ succeeds  to  the  throne  under  the  regency 

of  Bairam  Khan i5S6 


The  Conquests  of  India — Appendix  361 

A.D. 

Akbar — assumes  direct  management  of  the  king- 
dom ; quells  revolt  of  Bairam  Khan.. . 1560 
“ invasion  of  the  Panjab  by  Akbar’s  rival 

brother  Hakim,  who  is  defeated 1566 

“ subjugates  the  Rajput  kingdoms  to  the 

Mogul  Empire 1561-68 

“ campaign  in  Guzerat,  and  its  annexation 

to  the  empire  1572-73 

“ reconquest  of  Bengal,  which  is  finally  an- 
nexed to  the  empire 1576 

“ insurrection  in  Guzerat  (1581-93)  which 

is  finally  subjugated  to  the  empire. ...  1593 

“ conquest  of  Kashmir 1586 

“ conquest  of  Sind 1592 

“ subjugation  of  Kandahar,  and  consolida- 
tion of  the  Mogul  Empire  over  all  India 
north  of  the  Vindhya  mountains,  as  far 


as  Kabul  and  Kandahar 15 94 

“ unsuccessful  campaign  of  Akbar’s  son, 

Prince  Murad,  in  the  Deccan iS9S 

“ Akbar’s  campaign  in  the  Deccan ^599 

“ annexation  of  Khandesh,  and  return  of 

Akbar  to  Northern  India 1601 

“ dies  at  Agra 1605 

Jahangir — succeeds  his  father  Akbar 1605 

“ flight,  rebellion,  and  imprisonment  of 

his  eldest  son  Khusru 1606 

“ JVur-Mahal 1611 

“ Sir  Thomas  Roe’s  embassy  arrives  at  his 

court 1615 


362 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


A.D. 

Jahangir — Kandahar  captured  by  the  Persians. ...  1621 
“ Rebellion  of  Shah  Jahan,  his  son. . , 1623-25 
“ Mahabet-Khan  seizes  the  emperor. . . . 1626 

“ recovers  his  liberty  ; Mahabet-Khan 

and  Shah  Jahan  in  rebellion 1627 

“ dies 1627 

Shah  Jahan — Nur- Mahal  imprisoned 1627 

“ ascends  the  throne 1628 

“ Afghan  uprisings  in  Northern  In- 
dia  1628-30 

“ death  of  his  wife  M umtaz-i- Mahal . . 1630 

“ wars  in  the  Deccan 1629-35 

“ Kandahar  reconquered  by  the  Moguls  1637 

“ temporary  invasion  of  Balkh  by  the 

• Moguls 1645 

“ JVur- Mahal  dies 1645 

“ Balkh  abandoned  by  the  Moguls. . . . 1647 

“ Kandahar  finally  taken  and  held  by 

the  Persians 1653 

“ war  in  the  Deccan  under  Aurang- 

zeb 1655-56 

“ disputes  as  to  the  succession  to  the 

throne  between  the  four  sons  of 

Shah  Jahan 1657-58 

“ dies 1666 

Aurangzeb — deposes  Shah  Jahan,  his  father 1658 

“ Dara,  his  brother,  executed 1659 

“ Shuja,  his  brother,  flies  and  perishes 

miserably 1660 


7' he  Conquests  of  India — Appendix  363 


A.D. 

Aurangzeb— Murad,  his  brother,  imprisoned  and 

executed 1661 

Maratha  wars,  under  Sivaji,  who 

rebels 1662-65 

war  in  the  Deccan  ; defeat  of  the 

Moguls 1666 

Sivaji  makes  peace,  and  obtains 

favorable  terms 1667 

Sivaji  ravages  the  Deccan 1670 

Sivaji  defeats  the  Mogul  army 1672 

the  emperor  revives  the  poll-tax  on 

non-Muhammadans 1667 

war  with  the  Rajputs 1679 

Maratha  successes  in  the  Deccan  1672-80 
the  emperor  in  person  invades  the 

Deccan 1683 

guerrilla  wars  with  the  Marathas..  1692 
the  Maratha  wars  ; successes  of  the 

Moguls 1699-1701 

the  Marathas  successful 1702-05 

retreats 1706 

and  dies 1707 


364 


The  Mogul  Emperors 


A GENEALOGICAL  TABLE  OF 
THE  HOUSE  OF  TIMUR 

[abridged  from  professor  blochmann’s 

AIN-I-AKBARI.] 

I.  Timur,  a.h.  736  (a.d.  1336)  ; d.  a.h.  807  (a.d. 
1405)  ; buried  at  Samarkand. 

II.  Jalaluddin  Miran  Shah  (third  son  of  I.),  b. 
A.H.  769  ; d.  A.H.  810. 

III. '  Sultan  Muhammad  Mirza  (sixth  son  of  II.), 

b.  1 \ d.  t . 

IV.  Sultan  Abusaid  Mirza  (eldest  son  of  III.), 
A.H.  830 ; d.  A.H.  873. 

V.  Omar-Shaikh  Mirza  (fourth  son  of  IV.),  b.  a.h. 
860  ; d.  A.H.  899  (a.d.  1494). 

VI.  Babar  (eldest  son  of  V.),  b.  a.h.  888  (a.d. 
1483)  ; d.  A.H.  937  (a.d.  1530)  ; buried  at  Kabul. 
Babar  had  two  brothers,  viz.:  2.  Jahangir  Mirza. 
3.  Nazir  Mirza. 

VII.  Humayun  (eldest  son  of  VI.),  b.  a.h.  913  (a.d. 
1508)  ; d.  A.H.  963  (a.d.  1556)  ; buried  at  Delhi. 
Humayun  had  three  brothers,  viz.:  2.  Kamram 
Mirza.  3.  Askari  Mirza.  4.  Mirza  Hindal. 

VIII.  Akbar  (eldest  son  of  VII.),  b.  a.h.  949  (a.d. 
1542)  ; d.  A.H.  1014  (a.d.  1605)  ; buried  at  Agra. 


Genealogical  Table — House  of  Timur  365 

Akbar  had  two  brothers,  viz.:  2.  Mirza  Muham- 
mad Hakim,  King  of  Kabul.  3.  Sultan  Ibrahim. 

IX.  Jahangir  (third  son  of  VIII.),  b.  a.h.  977  (a.d. 
1569)  ; d.  A.H.  1037  (a.d.  1627)  ; buried  at  Lahore. 
Jahangir  had  four  brothers,  viz.:  i,  2.  Hasan 
and  Husain  (twins,  died  in  infancy).  4.  Sultan 
Murad.  5.  Sultan  Danyal. 

X.  Shah  Jahan  (third  son  of  IX.\  b.  a.h.  1000  (a.d. 

1591)  ; 1076  (a.d.  i665)  ; buried  at  Agra. 

Shah  Jahan  had  four  brothers,  viz.:  i.  Sultan 
Khusru.  2.  Sultan  Parwiz.  4.  Jahandar. 
5.  Shahryar. 

XI.  Aurangzeb  (third  son  of  X.),  b.  a.h.  1027  (a.d. 
1618);  d.  A.H.  1118  (a.d.  1707)  ; buried  at  Daulat- 
abad.  Aurangzeb  had  eight  brothers,  of  whom  we 
need  only  mention  : i.  Dara  Shikoh.  2.  SuL" 
TAN  Shuja.  6.  Murad  Bakhsh. 


Finis 


DATE  DUE 

HIGHSMITH  # 

t5230 

Pnnte<J 
In  USA 

